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Showing posts with label Revival. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Revival. Show all posts

In through the out door Hizb ut Tahrir

Many young educated Pakistanis are struggling to find political, social and economic examples of the faith-driven utopia that they were told Pakistan was to become.

These young people are the products of the myopic narratives about Pakistani nationhood and religion found in our textbooks and the populist media.

The problem with many among this generation of young middle-class men and women is that unlike the earlier generations, they seem to have wholly bought into the charade of a religion-based utopia they were told the founding fathers had supposedly conceptualised.

This has happened in spite of the fact that today they have more opportunities to acquire modern education and information than ever before.

But this generation has decided to somewhat block and deflect alternative narratives that attempt to counter the one that defines Pakistan as some unique experiment to achieve a religious, nationalist and political singularity.

A good part of this dilemma is also about how many young Pakistanis feel awkward when their modern lifestyles fail to relate and connect with the brutal ways of extremist outfits or the conventional religious groups that claim to be the main expressions of the faith-based utopian narrative.

So, as if feeling guilty about this, this generation has concocted various escape routes with the help of modern-looking Islamic televangelists and evangelists through which they believe they can keep one foot in religion and the other in the modern material world.

On the political stage, many have adopted passionate leaders, perhaps because these leaders too are an example of the dilemma this generation is going through: i.e. masking and expressing a reactive political and social conservatism as something entirely compatible with ‘genuine’ liberal/democratic values (as opposed to the so-called ‘fake’ ones).

On a more disturbing level, there are also some who have become vulnerable to what can be described as the more modern and subtle face of religious extremism: The Hizbut Tahrir (HT).

The HT was formed in 1953 in Jerusalem by a former Muslim Brotherhood member. His professed goal was to unite the Muslim world under a single political entity (Caliphate) and the Sharia (or his version of it).

In the 1950s and 1960s the HT was mostly active in Arab countries. In the 1970s it got involved in various coup attempts in Jordan, Syria and Iraq.

Planned with a handful of military men and political clerics, the coup attempts, however, were easily crushed.

The setbacks saw many HT leaders escaping to European countries, especially the UK. There the HT came into contact with the second generation of young Pakistanis, Muslim Indians and Bangladeshis settled in the UK. Though staunchly anti-West, the HT was tolerated in Britain because it was also vocal against the Soviet Union.

It was during this period that HT began reworking its idea of a world caliphate. And since it was now operating in Europe, its activists began dressing in Western clothes, speaking in English and using modern political symbolism to communicate what was otherwise an almost entirely utopian idea of international caliphate.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the HT began sending its well-dressed and articulate recruits to Central Asian countries. But more than ever, the focus was now more on Pakistan.

Being the country most affected by the Afghan civil war (of the 1980s), a number of extremist and sectarian organisations had emerged in Pakistan.

The fallout of the war also included the state-sponsored ‘Islamisation’ process in Pakistan and the ideological and theological confusion that set in at the end of the Cold War. This confusion engulfed the urban middle-classes.

Facing a regenerated conservatism, this class reached out to ‘rediscover’ its Islamic roots (without letting go of modern material aspirations, of course).

The same happened in certain sections of the country’s military as well. By the early 1990s HT had begun to infiltrate privately-owned university and college campuses (especially in Lahore) with the help of sympathetic professors and teachers. It began recruiting junior and mid-level military officers too.

The HT bypassed terrorism and concentrated on building support among middle-class students, professionals and military officers.

After 9/11, HT’s leadership was convinced that Pakistan was ready to become the launching pad for an international caliphate. And it planned to use elements within the military to achieve this. Violence was not far behind.

In 2003, the HT was accused of being involved in an assassination attempt against General Musharraf. And then an army captain associated with the HT was arrested for plotting a military coup.

In 2004, HT established links with about 13 commandos of the army’s Special Services Group (SSG). In 2009, officers up to the ranks of lieutenant colonel faced court martial for links with HT and in 2011 a brigadier faced the same charges.

In August 2012, a military court convicted Brigadier Ali Khan, Major Sohail Akbar, Major Jawad Baseer, Major Inayat Aziz and Major Iftikhar for having links with HT and sentenced them to rigorous imprisonment for terms ranging from five years to 18 months.

According to a former HT man, Majid Nawaz, the HT does not discount the use of violence through the converted military men in its goal of toppling the Pakistan government and the military’s top leadership to ‘establish a Caliphate state’.

Though the HT is banned in Pakistan, a recent report suggests it still has sympathetic groups operating within the armed forces and in various private universities.

The HT has given the somewhat concocted notion of political Islam a contemporary dimension. By using modern economic and political symbolism it has reconstructed this notion as a largely utopian and farcical model for some sort of a golden, all-conquering future.
By Nadeem F Piracha: http://www.dawn.com/news/1074072/in-through-the-out-door
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The Real Revolution & Pakistan

When a society becomes politically unstable, economically weak and socially disintegrated, people become concerned about reformation and change. Pessimists regard the situation as bleak and hopeless with revolution seen as the only solution.

History bears examples of the French, Russian, and Chinese Revolutions which changed societies by abolishing outdated systems and traditions. Discussions and debates in socio-political circles often overlook the fact that each revolution in history had its own characteristics particular to that society. In Cuba, where the state was captured through armed struggle may not be a workable option for many countries.

In the 50s and 60s, armies in the Arab World staged coups in Egypt, Iraq, Libya, and Syria with the objective of modernising these countries and to rescue them from Western imperialism. However hopes of any reformation were dashed to the ground.
In most cases where attempts were being made to change the society, the motive of leaders was to abolish the old order and bring about a change from above. Since they were overly concerned about preserving their own political power, they imposed so many restrictions that the countries were converted into fortresses. Consequently, these oppressive governments became exhausted and collapsed without bringing about any change. Some became despotic while in some cases, power struggle led to bloodshed creating even more turmoil and chaos.

Another way to bring about a change in the country is to form a political party, involve people, contest election and after winning the majority of seats in the parliament, the system is changed through new legislature. This approach requires the participation of people to introduce reforms.

Considering the present political situation of Pakistan, suitable options must be analysed to bring about a change in its political, social and economic structure. A revolution is hardly possible because of the lack of ideas and strategy. Moreover, there is no chance of capturing the state through an armed struggle because in both cases, a well organised, disciplined, trained and radical party is required. Revolution is not only meant to abolish the outdated system but also to construct institutions on a ground-breaking model which would herald a new era. Intelligence, talent, innovation, and ingenuity are needed to construct new institutions and one sees no such attributes in the Pakistani society.

Since Pakistan is a feudal and tribal society where landlords and tribal leaders are the winning candidates, there is little or no chance for a radical or reformist political party to win the elections. Feudals have a strong hold on their permanent constituencies and no one stands a chance against them. Political parties seek feudal support to win elections and therefore join hands with them to maintain status quo. Under these circumstances, it is well-nigh impossible to succeed for any political party whose manifesto is to uproot corrupt institutions and reform the society.

Violence, insecurity, uncertainty and chaos has become a disturbing but regular feature of life as a result of the social, political, and economic breakdown in Pakistan. At this juncture, people are ready to change their traditional mindset.

To bring about change is a gradual process but there is a crucial need to create political awareness among the young generation. Given the immigration scenario, there are little or no opportunities for the young and educated people to pursue careers in developed countries. They must realise that their only chance to have a respectable and good life is in their own country and hence it is their responsibility to bring about the change.

A democratic and secular [why not real Islamic, not Taliban model] society is what we need to survive. If our society fails to avail this opportunity for  change, it may take a long time to get rid of the confusion and chaos. It is high time for the Pakistani society to decide whether to continue to observe old traditions or adopt relevant values and an institutional framework which would lead to progress.

By Mubarak Ali : http://dawn.com/2012/07/01/past-present-the-real-revolution/


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Worth of a Teacher in Degenerated Society

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خاکروب، چوکیدار اور استاد... ایک اور ایک…منیراحمد بلوچ
ضلع میانوالی میں UNHCR کے تحت ایک کیمپ میں اسکول ٹیچر، خاکروب اور چوکیدار کی ایک ایک خالی آسامی کی بھرتی کیلئے اشتہار شائع ہوا ہے اس اشتہار میں اسکول ٹیچر کی خالی آسامی کیلئے تعلیمی قابلیت بی اے بی ایڈ اور ساتھ ہی کم از کم دو سال کے تدریسی تجربہ کی شرط عائد کی گئی ہے جبکہ اس کیلئے کل ماہانہ مشاہرہ8712/- رکھا گیا ہے اس اشتہار میں خاکروب اور چوکیدار کی علیحدہ علیحدہ دو خالی آسامیوں کیلئے تعلیمی قابلیت کی جو شرط رکھی گئی ہے اس کے مطابق ” امیدوار پڑھنا لکھنا جانتا ہو“ اور خاکروب اور سویپر کی ماہانہ تنخواہ8,712/- جبکہ چوکیدار کی آسامی کیلئے ماہانہ تنخواہ 8,865/- روپے رکھی گئی ہے۔ جس ملک اور معاشرے میں چودہ سالہ تعلیمی قابلیت رکھنے والے گریجویٹ اور بی ایڈ کی ایک سال کی اضافی تعلیمی قابلیت کے علا وہ مزیددو سال کا تدریسی تجربہ رکھنے والے استاد کے احترام کی یہ حالت ہو کہ اس کا ماہانہ مشاہرہ چوکیدار اور خاکروب سے کم ہو۔کیا یہ معلم کی توہین نہیں؟ جس معاشرہ میں تعلیم اور تدریس سے منسلک استادکا ماہانہ مشاہرہ ایک خاکروب کے برابر اور چوکیدار سے کم ہواس معاشرے میں وہی کچھ ہو گا جو ہورہا ہے کچھ عرصہ قبل نیشنل پولیس اکیڈیمی اسلام آباد کی طرف سے خالی آسامیوں پر بھرتی کیلئے ملکی اخبارات میں ایسا ہی ایک اشتہار دیا گیا تھا جس میں دوسری آسامیوں کیساتھ ساتھ امام مسجد/خطیب کی ایک آسامی کیلئے بھی درخواستیں مانگی گئیں اسی اشتہار میں سٹینو ٹائپسٹ کی آسامی کی تنخواہ کیلئے حکومت کا اسکیل12 مقرر کیا گیا جبکہ تعلیمی قابلیت ایف اے بمع ٹائپنگ اور شارٹ ہینڈ رکھی گئی جبکہ امام مسجد/خطیب کیلئے پے سکیل11 مقرر کیا گیا اور اس کیلئے تعلیمی قابلیت کم از کم ایم اے اسلامیات کے علاوہ کسی مستند ادارے سے فاضل درس نظامی، فاضل عربی ،شہادة القراة والتجوید اور کسی بھی سرکاری یا نیم سرکاری ادارے میں امامت اور خطابت کا ایک سالہ لازمی تجربہ مانگا گیا۔ اسٹینو گرافر کے گریڈ بارہ پر کوئی اعتراض نہیں ہے بلکہ اسے دوسرے سرکاری ملازمین کے ساتھ اور بہتر بنایا جائے اعتراض یہ ہے کہ انگریزی کی مختصر تشریح کرنے والے کو سکیل بارہ اور اسلامیات میں ایم اے کرنے والا جو قران پاک کی تشریح کرے گا اسے ایک درجہ کم رکھا گیا ؟۔ آج ہمارے معاشرے میں جو مذہبی تنگ نظری اور معاشرتی زبوں حالی نظرآرہی ہے اس کی بنیادی وجہ دینی اور دنیاوی تعلیم دینے والے کو ہم نے فقط”ملاء اور ماسٹر“ بنا کر رکھا ہوا ہے دین اسلام کی تعلیم اور تبلیغ دینے والے کو عیسائی ، یہودی اور بدھ مت کے مبلغوں کی طرح با عزت مقام نہ دیئے جانے کی وجہ سے ہمارے ملک میں روائتی ملا ازم نے فروغ پایا جس کا نتیجہ ہم سب من حیث القوم بھگت رہے ہیں آج کی مذہبی انتہا پسندی، بنیا دپرستی اور لا علمی کی اصل وجہ یہی ہے اگر استاد کو بہتر مراعات دی جاتیں تو یہ لوگ خود کو معاشرے میں کم تر ہونے کے احساس کا شکار نہ ہوتے اور ”ملاء یا ماسٹر“کی بجاے ایک بہترین عالم دین اور سکالر بن کر نوجوان نسل کو روشنی دکھاتے ۔کسی کالج یا تعلیمی ادارے میں لیکچرر اسلامیات کی تقرری کیلئے بھی کم از کم تعلیمی قابلیت ایم اے اسلامیات مقرر ہے اور تعلیمی اداروں کے یہ لیکچرار جو طلباء کو اسلامیات کی تعلیم دیتے ہیں ان کیلئے حکومت نے قومی پے اسکیل17مقرر کیا ہوا ہے کیا یہ بات عجیب سی نہیں لگتی کہ پاکستان کی نیشنل پولیس اکیڈیمی کی مسجد کا امام جس نے اکیڈیمی میں زیر تربیت پولیس افسران اور وہاں کام کرنے والے دوسرے افراد کو مذہبی تعلیم دینی ہے اس کا رتبہ سولہ سالہ تعلیمی ریکارڈ فاضل عربی سمیت دوسرے مدارس کی تعلیم کے علا وہ ایک سالہ تجربہ رکھنے کے با وجود ایک عام کلرک کے بر ابر رکھا جائے اسلام آباد کی اس پولیس اکیڈیمی میں رینجرز اور دوسرے قانون نا فذ کرنے والے اداروں سے متعلق افسران کو گاہے بگاہے وہاں کورس کیلئے بھی بلا یا جاتا ہے اس لیئے ایسی اکیڈیمی میں امامت اور دینی تعلیم دینے والا مرتبے میں کم نہیں ہونا چاہیئے ․․․ایک ایسا شخص جو اسلام آباد جیسے بڑے شہر میں تعینات ہو وہ دس بارہ ہزار روپے میں کس طرح گزارہ کرے گا اوراگروہ شادی شدہ ہے تو وہ خود اور بچوں کو کیا کھلائے گا اور ہمارا معاشرہ جو ابھی تک اپنے بزرگوں کو کسی اولڈ ہوم یا بورڈنگ ہاؤس میں داخل کرانے کی بجائے اپنے بوڑھے والدین کی خدمت کرنا اور انہیں اپنے ساتھ رکھنا خوش قسمتی اور عبا دت سمجھتا ہے وہ اسلام آباد جیسے مہنگے ترین شہر میں خاندان سمیت اس قلیل تنخواہ میں کیا کرے گا؟ ایک استاد یا داعی حق کے کام کی صحیح مثال ایک دہقان کے کام سے دی جا سکتی ہے جس طرح اس کا مقصد صرف اتنی سی بات سے حا صل نہیں ہو سکتا کہ کچھ بیج کسی زمین میں ڈال کر فارغ ہو بیٹھے اسی طرح ایک استاد یا داعی حق کا کام بھی صرف اسی سے انجام نہیں پا سکتا کہ وہ بچوں کو روائتی تعلیم دے انہیں رٹا لگانے کا عادی بناتے ہوئے کسی بھی طریقے سے پاس ہونے کی ترغیب دے یا داعی حق بن کر لوگوں کو کچھ وعظ سنا کر یا نماز پڑھا کرسمجھے کہ ڈیوٹی پوری ہوگئی بلکہ اصلاح اور نیکی کی تعلیم کیلئے ضروری ہے کہ اس کے دل کے اندر اپنی دی گئی تعلیم اور وعظ کے ساتھ وہی لگاؤ ہو جو ایک فرض شناس کسان کو اپنے بوئے ہوئے بیج کے ساتھ ہوتا ہے ۔ لگاتا رمحنت اور مسلسل نگہداشت کرتا ہے تب کہیں جا کر اپنی محنت کا پھل پاتا ہے اسی طرح ایک استاد اور خطیب کو بھی اسی صورت میں اپنی دعوت کو پھولتے دیکھنا نصیب ہوتا ہے جب وہ دعوت کے ساتھ ساتھ تربیت کی جانکاہیوں کے ایک طویل سلسلے کو جھیلنے کی قابلیت اور ہمت رکھتا ہو اور اگر اس میں قابلیت تو کوٹ کوٹ کر بھری ہو لیکن دو وقت کی روٹی کی سختیوں اور ہمارے معاشرے کے رسم ورواج میں جکڑے ہوئے وسائل نے اسے مفلوج کر رکھا ہو تو وہ اپنے فرائض پر مکمل توجہ نہیں دے سکتا۔افسوس سے کہنا پڑتا ہے کہ امریکہ برطانیہ اور یورپی ممالک کے فادر ، یہودیوں کے ربی کی ماہانہ تنخواہیں ہمارے سرکاری اور تعلیمی اداروں کے امام مسجدوں اور خطیبوں کی دس سال کی تنخواہ کے برا بر ہیں اور ہمارے بی اے بی ایڈ سکول ٹیچر اور ا یم اے اسلامیات خطیب کی ما ہانہ تنخواہ پادری، ربی کی آدھے دن کی تنخواہ کے برابر تو کجا ایک ان پڑھ خاکروب اور چوکیدار کے برابر بھی نہیں ؟

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Islam: the Dynamic Way of Life - Urdu

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The caliph dream

Being the products of the myopic narratives about Pakistani nationhood and religion in our textbooks and the populist media, quite a few young educated Pakistanis are struggling to find practical political, social and economic examples of the faith-driven Utopia that they were told Pakistan was to be. The problem with many among this generation of middle-class men and women is that quite unlike the earlier generations, they seem to have wholly bought into the farce of a religion-based Utopia they were told the founding founders conceptualised.

This is strange. In spite of the fact that they have more opportunities to acquire modern education and information today, this generation has somehow blocked alternative narratives that attempt to counter the one that defines Pakistan as some unique blob of religious, nationalist and political singularity. This is a reflection of a reactive strain of desperation, myopia and close-mindedness that have been creeping into the urban middle-class ethos.

A good part of this dilemma is also about how many young Pakistanis feel awkward when their modern lifestyles fail to relate and connect with the brutal ways of creatures like the Taliban and Al Qaeda. So, as if feeling guilty about this, they have concocted various social escape valves with the help of modern-looking and sounding Islamic televangelists through which they believe they can keep one of their feet in religion and the other in the modern material world.

On a more disturbing level, there are also some who have become venerable to what can be described as the modern and educated face of religious extremism: The Hizbut Tahrir (HT).

The HT was formed in 1953 in Jerusalem by a former Muslim Brotherhood member. His professed goal was to unite the Muslim world under a single political entity (Caliphate) and the Sharia (his ‘Salafi’ version of it). In the 1950s and 1960s the HT was mostly active in Arab countries. In the 1970s it got involved in various coup attempts in Jordan, Syria and Iraq. Planned with a handful of military men and political clerics, the moves were easily crushed.

The setback saw many HT leaders escaping to European countries, especially the UK. There the HT came onto contact with the second generation young Pakistanis, Muslim Indians and Bangladeshis. Though staunchly anti-West, the HT was tolerated there because it was more vocal against the Soviet Union.

It was during this period that it began reworking its idea of a world caliphate. And since it was now operating in Europe, its activists began dressing in western clothes, speaking English and using modern political symbolism to communicate what was otherwise a retrogressive, if not entirely Utopian, idea.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the HT began sending its well-dressed and articulate recruits to Central Asian countries, but more than ever, the focus was now on Pakistan. Being the country most affected by the Afghan civil war a number of extremist and sectarian organisations had emerged in Pakistan. The fallout of the war was also a state-sponsored ‘Islamisation’ and the confusion that set in at the end of the Cold War. This confusion engulfed the urban middle-class.

Facing a regenerated conservatism, this class reached out to ‘rediscover’ its Islamic roots (without letting go of modern material aspirations, of course). The same thing happened in certain sections of the military as well. The HT also began infiltrating modern university and college campuses (especially in Lahore) with the help of sympathetic professors and teachers. It began recruiting military officers too.

The HT bypassed terrorism and concentrated on building support among middle-class students, professionals and the military men. In the new millennium, its leadership was convinced that Pakistan was ready to become the launching pad for an international caliphate. And it planned to use elements within the army to achieve this. Violence was not far behind.

In 2003, the HT was accused of being involved in an assassination attempt against General Musharraf. An army captain was arrested for plotting a military coup. According to a former HT man, Majid Nawaz, the HT does not discount the use of violence through the converted military men in its goal of toppling the Pakistan government and the military’s top leadership to ‘establish a Khilafah state’. He adds that the second phase involves spreading the borders of such a state through jihad.

Though the HT is banned in Pakistan (not banned in the UK), a recent report suggests it still has sympathetic groups operating in the military and in various private universities. The HT has given the somewhat concocted and worn-out Maududiist notion of Islam’s ‘pristine political past’ a contemporary dimension. By using modern economic and political symbolism it has reconstructed this notion as a largely Utopian and farcical model for some sort of a golden, all-conquering future.
Smokers’ Corner: "The caliph dream"  by Nadeem F. Paracha 
http://www.dawn.com/2011/08/21/smokers-corner-the-caliph-dream.html

Hizb-ut-Tahrir - A New Threat to stability of ...
Hizb ut Tahrir the Global Islamic Political Party working for the reestablishment of Khilafah, Caliphate, Islamic state in the Muslim world ...

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Fixing Pakistan is no rocket science- Views of Intellectuals, Politicians



“Secular Pakistan as Jinnah wanted,” says one Dawn reader. “Complete implementation of Islam; enough of man-made laws,” suggests another as an answer to the many problems Pakistan faces today.

A special report entitled Independence Day, distributed with today’s Dawn, is styled as a ‘Roundtable Conference’. Held on our pages, the moot comprises opinions solicited from leaders from across the national spectrum. Participants were asked the question: ‘What is wrong with Pakistan today and how do we fix it?’

“Pakistan’s problem is not extremism, poverty or unemployment but distribution of resources,” says Syed Faisal Sabzwari of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement, whilst analyst and legislator, Ayaz Amir, wonders why we cannot “live and behave like a normal country”.

Mushahid Hussain of the PML-Q believes: “Fixing Pakistan is no rocket science,” and Naimatullah Khan of the JI says: “A change of leadership has become inevitable.”

Dr Mubashir Hasan, one of the founders of the Pakistan People’s Party, a former minister and now a peace activist, says that the “trust deficit is between the ruling elites” of India and Pakistan and not the people of the two countries. Artist and educationist Salima Hashmi assures us that the “creative force is alive and in good working order” in Pakistan. “The rest of the world can see it. But can we?” she asks.

While Asma Jahangir argues for reducing the role of religion in politics, Sherry Rehman points to the possible pitfalls of devolution of power to the provinces if the provinces fail to build capacity to exercise those powers or try to undo the consensus reached at the national level by rolling back on issues related to gender biases and minorities.

Senator Raza Rabbani, the head of the parliamentary committee which hammered out the Eighteenth Amendment, defends the move by calling it “A Pakistani renaissance”.

The Independence Day special report, thus, presents views expressed on the history and future of Pakistan by eminent Pakistanis from across the national spectrum: Baloch leader Mir Hasil Khan Bizenjo, corporate head Asad Omar, religious scholar Mufti Munib-ur-Rehman, pop singer Shehzad Roy, rights activist Zohra Yusuf, political economist S. Akbar Zaidi, Street Theatre producer Madiha Gohar, and many more movers and shakers actively involved in shaping the national agenda.

Dawn readers, too, were asked the same question as was put to the opinion leaders. They responded overwhelmingly from across Pakistan and the diaspora via a survey run on the newspaper’s Internet Edition. Independence Day special also showcases some of these views for the benefit of the print edition readers.

The diversity of opinions expressed in the special report is a confirmation of Jinnah’s conviction that only a pluralistic society is the way forward.

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Dr Mubashir Hasan

India and Pakistan have no option whatsoever but to cooperate with each other for the betterment of their people. The trust deficit is only between the ruling elites and is maintained to protect vested interest, here and there. There is no such deficit between the people of the two countries.


Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s planned visit to Pakistan is very welcome. In the foreign ministers’ talks last month the best thing they could have achieved but failed was a relaxation in the visa regime. Liberalise the movement of people to reduce the much doubted trust deficit. Two more openings along the Line of Control agreed in the meetings should be appreciated.


If Pakistan could control terrorism then there should have been no terrorism here. Pakistan is a victim of terrorism itself; it cannot be its initiator. Indian leaders should understand this.


I am optimistic that both the countries will eventually cooperate with each other and they will have to come out of the ‘suspicion mode’. For thousands of years India had been a victim of hoards from the north-west; that spectre is again on the horizon, and India seems to be realising this.



Syed Musahid Hussain


Our Founding Fathers were self-made, honest, educated, middle class leaders who created this country through a relentless constitutional struggle, whose essence was the rule of law, rather than the rule of men. They left behind no hidden foreign bank accounts, no progeny to claim a ‘born to rule’ dynastic privilege, and, against all odds, they negotiated deftly and with dignity to protect and promote the interests of their Muslim constituents.


Regrettably, their successors, both in khaki or in mufti, have generally governed Pakistan as an extension of the ‘Mughal mindset’, a sort of ‘political tribalism’ where personal, family, clan or partisan interests are paramount. Pakistan’s problems primarily emanate from its visionless, greedy, grabby and callous elite, which winks at corruption, prefers coercion to consensus, and is easily amenable to capitulation abroad.


Fixing Pakistan is no rocket science, provided people at the top are willing to develop values, vision and the will of the Founding Fathers. For starters, three areas will suffice: Education as the main priority with a school system that relies on vocational training helping to promote employment, counter extremism/terrorism and strengthen the Federation through a unified curriculum; respect for the rule of law and accountability of the big-wigs whether they are politicians, bureaucrats, business tycoons, media barons, generals or judges. Enforce Conflict of Interest laws ensuring politics and business are kept separate.


These steps will generate hope and faith in the future for our highly talented and hard-working people that they too can rise on merit, not just due to an accident of birth.

Asma Jahangir

Millions of Pakistanis and the international community are impatiently waiting for Pakistan to take a turn for the better, but a large section of Pakistani society is either oblivious of the perils faced by the country or infected with the disease of self-denial. Formal economy is shrinking while informal wealth is rapidly expanding. This too has made the State hostage to corrupt and criminal elements in society including those within the government.


Proliferation of arms, terrorism backed by an ideology mixed with religion, lack of basic infrastructure and a crisis of governance in all institutions of the State is leading the country to a cycle of violence and instability. This is staring us in the face, but those in any capacity of leadership are only concerned with their own survival and distasteful glorification rather than striving for collective recovery. To our misfortune, some commentators describe us as being big on ego but low on reliability, sharp in wiliness and dull on being constructive.


A large portion of the blame for deteriorating moral values and depleting economy can certainly be laid on our military rulers, but our civilian authorities too have shirked their responsibility. They not only lack skills and integrity but also have shown scant wisdom while in power. Witness the daily mini-clashes between the judiciary and the government; the brazen disappointment expressed by the “tasadum” group; the shouting matches between the politicians in full public view and the propagation of Taliban mentality even when hundreds of our own are being brutally murdered owing to the promotion of a vicious form of intolerance.


Worse still is the role of self-styled leaders of society who audaciously speak, act and intervene on behalf of a discredited establishment. The blame is, therefore, all round. To make matters worse we are constantly in search for personalities that we can adopt as the messiah rather than strengthen democratic institutions.


Governance in Pakistan is not easy. The unresolved issue of Kashmir and an open border with Afghanistan has made illegal trade and movement of militants effortless. Azad Kashmir remains under the heavy thumb of the establishment and Fata remains a haven for militants and smugglers, while the local population is denied all basic rights and protection from violent groups. Similarly, the dual system of policing in A and B areas of Balochistan has made civilian administration ineffective.


In 2009, fatalities had risen to 12,632 as against 907 in 2006. Policing is weak. There are several strands of law enforcement and coordination between them is virtually non-existent. There are no systematic databases for weapons, vehicles on the road, DNA matches, blood samples and crime patterns. According to a study on criminology, 74% of terrorist related cases ended in acquittal in the last 20 years. Poor prosecution, intimidation of witnesses, ineffective legislation and a lethargic judiciary adds to impunity.


The role of parliament has been disappointing and the judiciary is more of a chat rather than a system that delivers justice based on law and logic. The high courts are working on half strengths and fresh appointments are mostly appalling. Some would argue that a draw of lots amongst the lawyers for appointment of judges to the superior courts judiciary would at least ensure transparency and fairness. It may also add to the professional ability of courts.


At the moment we are only deteriorating, but every society has been through similar suffering until they have resolved to make a change for the better. Even for the worst malaise there are recipes for improvement but there is no medicine to cure lack of political will and dithering sincerity.


Pakistan needs to build some consensus on major issues. First, we must agree that our future lies in the promotion of a democratic transition, despite lack of exceptional leadership. To speed up the cycle of transition and to use the system of elections as a filter to discard dead wood that is recycled into politics and to give fresh blood an opportunity for genuine leadership to emerge; it may help to shorten the election period from five to four years. It would keep the opposition alive and the patience of the people will not be put to an extreme test. The quota seats for Fata, women and minorities must be rationalised so that those elected from general seats are not made hostage to reserved seats. Political parties should be financially supported through budget allocations in a transparent manner, based on electoral performances. They too must follow democratic principles within their party setups. A truly independent and autonomous Election Commission should be established that has the confidence of all political forces and the support of the administration.


Foreign policy should be tailored around the need of the country, rather than be based on historical prejudices, grandeur and impractical ideas or emotions that are kept alive at a great cost to the nation. Public expenditure should be diverted towards social sectors rather than being spent on weapons of war. After the passage of the Eighteenth Amendment provinces should call for technical assistance to cope with the gigantic powers devolved to them. A clear policy should be devised to counter religious extremism and to gradually deweaponise the civil population.


Above all, the courts should function efficiently, independently and remain depoliticised. Reforming a society is not easy and it takes decades before any positive signs of stability can be detected, but there has to be a starting point. Ours is still awaited eagerly.

Ayaz Amir


Our problems are not unique. Our confusion is in a class of its own. Much as we like to think otherwise, Pakistan was not a manifestation of divine grace. That we are a fortress of Islam is, sadly, a fiction we have lived with for too long.


Although much of the Muslim clergy had opposed Pakistan they seized upon the idea of Muslim separateness to press for the creation of an Islamic republic. As for the secular elites, the more they failed in running the country the more they ran behind the banner of Islam. The mullahs were never an influential power in themselves. Their rise to number one national nuisance owes itself to secular failure. Pakistan’s English-speaking classes have failed it the most.


The one exception to the trend to use Islam for political purposes was Ayub. But he fathered his own folly in the shape of the 1965 war, the single most disruptive influence in our history. In many mysterious ways we have still not recovered from its effects. The India-centricism of our national security fallacies was fixed in stone by that ill-conceived venture.


A visionary leadership could have rescued us from our past. But we were unfortunate in that respect. Bhutto’s ‘democracy’ was almost an invitation to the reactionary backlash which came with the 1977 agitation and Zia’s martial law, the darkest chapter in Pakistan’s history. From the dragon’s teeth sowed then sprouted the monsters of religious extremism and violence which haunt Pakistan today.


We have signally failed in solving our own problems. But we remain obsessed with trying to wield influence in Afghanistan. Our posture towards India lacks clear thinking. We have spread our feet too far apart and, in many things, continue to live in a world of fantasy and make-believe.


Our major problems are self-created. If only we could live and behave like a normal country.



Khurshid Ahmad

There is a need to make the conduct of the leadership transparent. Time has come for the leaders of all fields to become role models by showing honesty, forbearance, steadfastness and sagacity. Pakistan should seek economic self-reliance instead for looking towards America and China. This will give it independence of thought and action, enabling it see what is right for it and what is not.


There is a need to remove the huge knowledge deficit. Nearly 59 per cent children leave school at the primary level and nobody is noticing it with seriousness. An educated human resource is much beneficial than swarms of uneducated, directionless youth.


Educated young people can work better for the welfare of the country and for their own good.


There should be dignity of work and an end to feudalism. Pakistan must develop a labour force of women, providing them with proper education and skill training. This can bring a big social change. The energy crisis should be tackled on a war footing so as to manage the crisis-ridden industry. The crisis has badly affected production and business, generating large scale unemployment.


There is a need to ensure the rule of law and provision to justice to all. Injustice, poverty and illiteracy are the root causes of terrorism, and the country can no longer afford to ignore them. The rights of the working class should be protected.


There was no need to devolve the subject of labour to the provinces under the 18th Amendment because this has eroded the element of oneness among the labour force. We can still take the country forward if we start sincerely working for the good.  Otherwise we should remain prepared for Egypt and Tunis-like revolutions.


Aitzaz Ahsan

We must first understand what we cannot do quickly to uplift the country. We cannot suddenly improve power and food supplies, stabilise prices and provide housing, educational facilities or employment opportunities to the people.


Yes, we can salvage the people by abolishing the VIP culture, ensuring accountability and submission to it by everyone. This will greatly reduce the frustration, and resentment among the people who must feel that the ruling classes are subject to the same inconvenience and problems as they are. The reduced frustration will help the country tackle terrorism. There is no substitute to the use of fire power and intelligence to combat terrorism. But people and youth get inducted in the world of terror by seeing the elite’s ostentatious, loud and above accountability lifestyle. Upon seeing huge cavalcade of a minister they react, become willing recruits to the ranks of the extremists, and work to tear the system down.


The situation in Karachi is more complicated. If on the wave of one man’s hand violence can suddenly be stopped, it is not different to discern who is responsible for it.


We have to recognise and take advantage of the potential of our own region and negihbourhood. We cannot swap neighbours.


Why should we deprive our industry a market seven times the size of our own if it is offered by our neighbours? Why are we begging for market access for our products to Europe and the West when we have a huge South Asian market at our doorstep?


We should give up the hypocrisy of trading through third party conduits such as Dubai and go for direct cross border trade.


Peace itself has an enormous economic benefit, and is the greatest engine of growth.  Prosperity comes as it did in Europe with trade, interdependence and mutual growth. This in turn introduced peace even amongst fratricidal neighbours who had fought horrible World Wars I and II.

Mufti Munib-ur-Rehman

Our present ‘government of national reconciliation’ is just a power sharing arrangement among contradictory elements. There is no agenda for the survival, evolution, protection and security of the country.


One simple solution to all our problems is rule by honesty, trust, courage and social justice: resources should reach the common man; oppression, killing, plundering, violence, lawlessness and terrorism should be eliminated.


Joining the war against terrorism we have lost enough but are not aware of its outcome. The government has not told the people the truth. It needs to explain to the people that if this is not America’s war but our own, they (people) should be taken into confidence and told what Pakistan has achieved or lost by becoming part of this war.


The people are denied their basic needs. The power and gas crisis has upset every Pakistani. The rulers are not interested in resolving these issues. The nation needs a leadership of character that is bold, committed and determined to rekindle hope and restore confidence of the people. –Mufti Munib-ur-Rehman spoke to Habib Khan Ghori

Nadeem Farooq Paracha

Almost every political, social and economic crisis faced by Pakistan today stems from questions that should have been addressed 60 years ago: about the role of religion, ethnicity, military, democracy and civil society in the polity. These questions were brushed aside with a rather Utopian narrative that encouraged authoritarian intervention and bullying to impose a singular, centralised and impractical concept of nationhood and religion.


This concept only ended up alienating and insulting the rich religious, sectarian and ethnic diversity that Pakistan is made of, triggering all sorts of political fissures, ethnic upheavals and sectarian violence. The answer lay in the flowing of uninterrupted democracy and provincial autonomy – they still do. These should be the central planks of Pakistan’s future make-up.


The provinces should be allowed to bag democratic mandates to decide what sort of a role religion and ethnicity should play in their respective regions and what kind of economics they prefer. The central government and the military should only be there to facilitate this kind of democratic and progressive provincialism. Anything less is bound to continue bouncing us from one catastrophe to the other.


Shehzad Roy

The future of Pakistan is with its youth. We have to invest in the coming generations by educating them. The biggest problem of our system is rote learning, and its futility in practical life. It negates the very essence of education. Rather than making thinkers, it preaches to our children.

Education must be imparted in a language the child understands and is able to express himself in. We talk about reforming the education sector but we don’t have thought-provoking books in our own languages. Children and youth are in a majority in Pakistan. There are hopes, dreams, and a sense of pride associated with them. The public school system needs a drastic change in curriculum. Children need counseling, guidance, and eventually jobs, for which the school must prepare them.


Allama Abbas Kumail

The tragedy of Pakistan is that we lost the Quaid-i-Azam soon after independence. The rulers that followed, instead of building institutions, were interested in amassing wealth for themselves. They surrendered the sovereignty of Pakistan to super powers.

Today we are is in a fix of confusion on why the country was created and whether Pakistan is or should be a theocratic, orthodox Islamic state or a moderate progressive state. This confusion has given birth to sectarianism, ethnic tensions and extremism.

Individuals in the army grabbed power for their personal gratification; religious preachers also contributed a lot to this mess which started because of deviating from the path of the Quaid.

We can overcome our problems by reverting to the Quaid’s vision of Unity, Faith and Discipline, and by pursuing principles of love, brotherhood and equal opportunity for all; by upholding the principle of peaceful co-existence within the country and with our neighbours.

We have enormous wealth of resources, strategic and geo-political as well as human. But we lack a sincere leadership. We need to eliminate the cancer of sectarianism and ethnic rivalries or risk dismembering the country like in 1971. –Allama Kumaili spoke to Habib Khan Ghori




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The Other side: Positive Role of Madaris




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Creeping Islam- Turkish Model

WebpageTranslator
Qazi Hussain Ahmad, ex Chief of Jamait-i-Islami shares his experience of revival of Islam in Turkey, through a gradual process with some lessons for Pakistan ........


Creeping Islam- Turkish Model: 
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Iqbal and reconstruction of religious thought In Islam إقبال والتعمير في الفكر الديني في الإسلام

WebpageTranslator

Nineteenth century was very critical for Islam and Islamic theology. Islamic theology had remained static for centuries. It evolved up to first three century and then became static, particularly after sack of Baghdad in 1258 A.D. Sack of Baghdad was a critical moment for the Islamic world. It delivered severe blow not only to the Abbasid Caliphate but also to Islamic thought. In fact the decline had begun from 11th century itself. The Muslim power was weakening and sense of security was lost. For flowering of a civilisation and culture, peace and stability is very essential. 


It is true that other Muslim empires did come into existence after fall of Baghdad and those empires like Fatimid and Safavid empires on one had and regional empires like the Moghul Empire, on the other. These empires were also great empires and provided stability and peace for several centuries. Yet, the Abbasid Empire, for various reasons, had become in the words of Toyenbee, a ‘universal state’ of Islam. Its decline had great psychological impact on the minds of Muslims. Many scholars maintain that the gates of ijtihad (intellectual assertion) were closed after the fall of the Abbasid Empire.

The stagnation in theological thinking continued until the beginning of the colonial period in various Islamic countries including India. India, though not an Islamic country, was under the Muslim (Moghul) rule until 1857. The colonial rule gave a great jolt to Muslim thinkers in most of the colonised world. Jamaluddin Afghani, Muhammad Abduh, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and several others were product of this crisis situation in the Muslim world. The mainstream theology, however, continued unchanged. But some major thinkers emerged in all these countries who realised the significance of re-thinking theological issues.

It is important to note that the external situation has great effect on the thinking of human mind. The external challenges create new responses and increased challenges create greater response and it is creative minority, which creatively responds to the external challenges. And it is creative intellectuals in these Muslim countries who responded to the external challenge posed by the colonial rule. From India those who responded to the British colonial challenge were, among others, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Dr. Mohammad Iqbal, Maulavi Chiragh Ali, Maulavi Mumtaz Ali Khan and several others.

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Maulavi Chiragh Ali and Maulavi Mumtaz Ali Khan were brilliant thinkers and Islamic scholars. They chose to respond to the crisis in Muslim society created by the colonial rule and wrote on related topics. Their contributions to Islamic thought in India were quite seminal. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan also began to write a new commentary on the holy Qur’an but could not complete due to storm of opposition from the orthodox theologians. His priority was to spread modern education among Muslims. But Maulavi Chiragh Ali and others continued their campaign for re-thinking issues and responding to new challenges. This was their priority.
Dr. Iqbal came later on the scene. He too had an opportunity for both traditional and modern education. Iqbal was product of intense crisis period in modern Indian history, particularly the crisis Muslims in India were facing. The Indian Muslim elite had lost political power and now had to compete with the Hindu elite for government jobs and elected offices. In addition to loss of power they were nursing minority complex as well. Thus they were suffering from double challenge – loss of power and minority status.

Iqbal was acutely aware of this situation and was quite sensitive. On top of all this the Muslims in India felt great shock at the fall of Turkish Khilafat after the First World War. The Khilafat movement became a big issue in Indian freedom movement as well. It was after fall of Turkish Empire that Iqbal wrote his moving poem Khizr-e-Rah. And it was during this period of intense crisis that Iqbal developed the concept of khudi i.e. self. This concept of self was meant to overcome the sense of deprivation among the Muslim elite and give them sense of self esteem and generate power-consciousness among them. Iqbal admires power precisely because the Muslim elite was suffering from the feeling of powerlessness. 
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Leadership Crisis


Did Jinnah, a civilized and urbane man if he was anything, create Pakistan so that these humbugs, supported by our friends in the military – let us never forget this crucial nexus – should preach right and wrong to us? ..... Our highest temples should have been raised to education and science, art and invention, sports and culture. We should have justified Partition by outperforming the rest of the sub-continent. And we should have been able to keep Pakistan together by not giving a raw deal to the people of East Pakistan. May our sins in this regard be expiated. And may we have the wisdom to do something about the anger seething in Balochistan. Are we incapable of learning from the past? ..... Why are our elite classes so dumb and feckless? Why can’t they think through things clearly? And why are they incapable of taking a tough stand where such a stand is required? 
Since the political class has little faith in itself it cannot bring itself to appeal to the good sense of the people. So by default the space thus left vacated is filled by the armies of the benighted. This is Pakistan’s real tragedy, the cowardice of its governing classes. With no convictions to speak of, it is futile expecting them to have anything resembling the courage of their convictions? 
How do we become a normal country? By going back to first causes and purging the national mind of all the ideological deadwood allowed to grow in it. National security will not be protected or enhanced by nuclear capability but by investing more in education and science and industrial endeavour. (Which doesn’t mean we abandon our nuclear capability...only this that we stop treating it like something akin to the holy grail.) And we free our minds of the hypocrisy in the name of religion injected into it during the Zia years. [Excerpts from, 'Reinventing Ideology of Pakistan' by Ayaz Amir,   http://thenews.jang.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=38025&Cat=9 ]
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Zardari’s vision is to stay in power and further enrich his person and his family. End of story. The common belief is he has enough but, by all accounts, we are dealing with insatiable appetites. Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani’s vision is to enrich his family. If a tenth of the stories doing the rounds are to be even tentatively believed, they are doing pretty well for themselves. Names close to the army high command are also the subject of lurid rumours.
But the problem is greater than a few names. 


Pakistan’s governing class as a whole has earned the distinction of being rotten and corrupt. Everyone rightly-placed is on the take. Those not so fortunate are less emblems of virtue than martyrs to opportunities absent or lost.
A leadership thus tainted, compromised by ineptitude and greed, can neither initiate reform nor reverse the tide of obscurantism now washing against the walls of the Republic.


Lest we forget, the armies of the faithful – with their fearsome beards and shaven moustaches, shalwars pulled up over ankles – have never been in power in Pakistan (the MMA’s stint as Musharraf’s co-travellers in the Frontier not really counting in this equation). 
What Pakistan is today, the depths it has plumbed, the failures courted, the follies assiduously pursued, have been the handiwork of its English-speaking elite classes – who wouldn’t be caught dead calling themselves secular but who, for all practical purposes, represent a secularist point of view.

The mullahs have not been responsible for our various alliances with the United States; our entry into Cento and Seato; our militarist adventures vis-à-vis India; and the honing of ‘jihad’ as an instrument of strategic fallacies. This last piece of brilliance came from the army as commanded by Gen Ziaul Haq. Religious elements became willing accessories in this game but were not its inventors.
If the first Constituent Assembly lavished attention on a piece of rhetoric of no practical benefit to anyone, the Objectives Resolution, instead of writing a constitution which was its chief duty, the fault lay not so much with the clerical fathers as with the Muslim League leadership. 
The phrase ‘ideology of Pakistan’ was an invention of Gen Yahya Khan’s information minister, Maj Gen Nawabzada Sher Ali Khan. The central tenet of our security doctrine which sees India as an implacable foe out to undo Pakistan was woven in no madrassah or mosque but in General Headquarters, and a mindset which has been a distinguishing feature of the Punjabi elite.
Our fractured education system is a gift, paradoxically, of our English-speaking classes which have never felt the slightest need for framing a common education policy – the same books and curriculum, the same medium of education – for the entire country.
The army, a secular institution to begin with, has ruled Pakistan. The mainstream parties have been in power. Pakistan’s failures are their failures. The religious parties have been the hyenas and jackals of the hunt, yelping from the sides and helping themselves to the morsels that came their way. Lords of the hunt, lions of the pack, have been Pakistan’s generals and politicians, assisted ably at all times by a powerful and equally short-sighted mandarin class.
If the misuse of religion, the exploitation of religion for less-than-holy ends, the yoking of religion to unworthy causes – such as our never-ending adventures in Afghanistan – has poisoned the national atmosphere and narrowed the space for reasoned debate, the principal responsibility for that too lies with those who have held the reins of power in their hands. Why could they not have reversed the course of events, especially when it lay in their power to do so?
True, Gen Zia’s rule amounted to a visitation from the outer reaches of purgatory. We say he distorted Pakistan, which of course he did. But it is 22 years since his departure, time enough to have healed the wounds he caused and dismantle his legacy. But if the many temples to hypocrisy he erected survive, who is to blame? The Pakistan of today is Zia’s Pakistan not Jinnah’s. But if we have been unable to go back to our founding principles the fault lies not with the zealous armies of the bearded but Pakistan’s secular rulers, in mufti and khaki.
It is not the mullahs who frighten the ruling classes. These classes are afraid of their own shadows. And they have lost the ability, if they ever had it in the first place, to think for themselves. They live on imported ideas and the power of their own fantasies.
It is not a question of the English-speaking classes – our so-called civil society with its small candle-light vigils, usually in some upscale market – standing up to the clerical armies. This is to get the whole picture wrong. It is a question of the Pakistani state – its various institutions, its defence establishment and the creeds and fallacies held dear as articles of faith by this establishment – getting its direction right and then creating a new consensus enabling it to retreat from the paths of folly.
If the Pakistani establishment continues to see India as the enemy, keeps pouring money into an arms race it cannot afford, is afflicted by delusions of grandeur relative to Afghanistan, and remains unmindful of the economic disaster into which the country is fast slipping, we will never get a grip on the challenges we face.[Lets not forget Indian adventures to create Bangladesh, occupation of Kashmir and other disputes]
The raging cleric, frothing at the mouth, is thus not the problem. He is merely a symptom of something larger. Pakistan’s problem is the delusional general and the incompetent politician and as long as this is not fixed, the holy armies of bigotry will remain on the march. 
[Excerpts, 'The clerics are on the march' By Ayaz Amir, News ]


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