Salaam Pakistan سلام پاکستان : Misrule

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Democracy and governance

GOOD governance, human rights and individual freedoms, and rule of law are among the main features of democracy. A democratic state cannot choose one, or some, of these and reject others. Common citizens may see good governance as a priority because this is directly linked to their daily life needs. But the significance of freedom and other attributes of democracy cannot be discounted; they are equally important to fulfil one’s physical and emotional needs. Denying emotional, spiritual and aesthetic needs to people does not mean these cease to exist. This is as simple as it is evident. Complexities arise when certain state institutions or groups of people start to believe that people need only what the power elites think they need. Eventually, the power elites start seeing the people as their subjects who have only physical needs; other needs, in their eyes, fall in the domain of religion. At the same time, these elites try to also regulate religion because they fear ‘miscreants’ can exploit it and create trouble in the way of good governance. Although the Muslim world on the whole is facing this dilemma, the Arab world is a chronic example of this model of governance that looks after only the physical needs of the people. The Arab Spring epitomised the fact that people are not merely subjects; nor are their needs merely physical. In some cases, power elites provided more space to their people to resolve the crisis. In others, power elites refused to do so thus plunging their states into turmoil. However, it is becoming increasingly difficult for power elites in these countries to use this model of governance as a tool to suppress freedom and democracy. Ironically, Muslim countries including Pakistan, which are in a process of democratic transition, still seek inspiration from failed models. One’s interaction with power elites in Islamabad would suggest that the concepts of democracy and freedom do not figure in the latter’s ideas of state-building. For instance, Middle Eastern controlled-regime models continue to inspire many retired military top officials and some of them even talk about replicating these models in Pakistan. In their case, it is understandable because they come from a disciplined background, but when former diplomats and bureaucrats also start advocating the same, it surprises many. Pakistani political elites, too, have similar views: many politicians see Turkey and Malaysia as model states in terms of governance, democracy and freedom of expression. Power elites conceive of democracy only in the electoral perspective and reject other democratic values. Interestingly, an overwhelming majority of former civil and military officials and politicians also admire Chinese political and governance models even though they know that despite many commonalities, they cannot be fully adopted in Pakistan. Dig deep into their mind and sources of inspiration and you will find one common thing: desire for a controlled regime in Pakistan. Political leaders, however, favour controlled freedom through the power of the vote. Another important common factor in their thought processes is that they conceive of democracy only in the electoral perspective. They hardly believe in other democratic values. Here they use religion as a crutch to argue that the people already have a socio-political code of life provided by religion. This dichotomy exists in other parts of the Muslim world as well. A debate on the compatibility between Islam and democracy still consumes the intellectual energy of Muslim scholars. In Pakistan’s context, this discourse provides an opening for the partnership between the religious clergy and security and political power elites. In many instances in the past, the first segment became a beneficiary in the power-sharing mechanism and developed a comfortable working relationship with both civilian and military rulers. The religious elite’s ability to manipulate street power and provide ideological narratives in support of power elites has furthered their own religious-ideological cause as well. The sustainability and legitimacy of regimes also depends on two institutions: judiciary and media, which limit the absolute power of the state. Both institutions address the need for justice and freedom and enjoy comparatively more freedom in democratic regimes, but controlling these institutions is a desire that remains alive among states in democratic transition. No doubt the process of democratisation takes time, but the media and judiciary are major instruments in this process. If these institutions are not functioning well, that means a blockage has occurred in the transition process. Many scholars maintain that the true spirit of pluralistic and secular democracy has never been followed in the country. For instance, renowned scholar Kamran Tahir believes that the Objectives Resolution of 1949 allowed undue space to religious elements in the country’s social and political set-up. As a consequence, political instability and authoritarianism became an abiding feature. Other scholars see democracy from the perspective of governance and advocate that democracy is not the final or only form of governance. Among them, a few argue in the socio-political context and assert that it is only the elites who rule in the name of democracy. Others bring in the religious argument to advocate that justice should be the ultimate objective of any form of governance. The latter point of view is closely aligned to that of religious scholars who also believe only in the electoral process. Non-democratic tendencies among the religious clergy are very common in Pakistan. Religiously inspired militants also borrow this argument from the clergy that democracy is contrary to Islam. All shades of religious clergy have strong belief in religious identity and value it above democratic norms. The authoritarian power elites see no problem in these views and narratives but are against violent struggle for achieving the objectives. The power elites believe that non-violent clerics should help the state build counter-narratives against violence. Pakistan is not part of the Gulf or Middle East region. Nor is it located in Central Asia or North Africa. It cannot pull itself out from the South Asian region. Though the state of democracy, good governance and freedom of expression is not satisfactory in the region, its fate is nevertheless linked with democratic institutionalisation. What else could be the counter-narrative to extremism than democracy, good governance and freedom of expression?

Democracy and governance
By MUHAMMAD AMIR RANA
The writer is a security analyst
Dawn.com

Ten point agenda to urgently resolve chronic problems of Pakistan

Importance of being earnest

THE title of Oscar Wilde’s novel about late 19th-century British society also aptly sums up the most essential requirement for the effective governance of nations and states. History testifies that peoples, nations and empires rose to greatness when they were well governed and decayed and declined when they were not.

By this yardstick, Pakistan is in dire straits. The evidence of its serial mis-governance almost since its birth are palpable. Today, Pakistan’s democracy is dysfunctional, its economy stagnant, its society divided between the few rich and the mass poor. Justice, jobs and security are unavailable for a growing population of uneducated and alienated youth.

Meanwhile, Pakistan’s leaders, caught in petty power plays, have no vision or plan for national development. Pakistan — the world’s sixth most populous country — was not invited to any of the three summits held in Asia earlier this month, illustrating its decline and marginalisation.

The demands for reform made in the recent protest movement led by Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri have been lost in the political melee. The commission of inquiry into electoral fraud will only scratch the surface. It is unfortunate that the opportunity was not seized to promote wider and more essential governance reform to ensure that Pakistan can survive and prosper as a modern state. There are at least 10 areas that need to be addressed urgently.

One, politics. The feudal and unequal structure of Pakistan’s society is a major obstacle to representative democracy and economic development. Repeatedly, elections have thrown up political leaders who are mostly ignorant, arrogant and corrupt. Rules and mechanisms can be created to set high standards for political office and ensure that decent and qualified people of modest means can be elected to political office.

Pakistan’s leaders have no vision or plan for national development.
Two, law and order. Pakistan has become a violent place, afflicted by terrorism, criminal gangs and political thuggery. The state must re-establish its monopoly of coercive power. The armed forces have a self-evident but not solitary role. Given honest purpose and adequate resources, the country’s security apparatus can be cleansed and modernised to reassert state authority.

Three, the judicial system. The concept of an independent judiciary acting as a check on executive power has either failed at critical moments in Pakistan’s history or been perverted to individual or political purpose. Without hope of securing fair or timely justice, ordinary people have had increasing recourse to illegal and extra-legal, often violent, means for the settlement of disputes. A simpler system for the dispensation of justice and a modality for oversight of the judiciary would help in restoring the rule of law.

Four, local government. The daily lives of most people are deeply affected by the quality and responsiveness of local governments. The present system is custom-made for corruption. Emulating successful examples, such as the Swiss communes and the panchayats of yore, and adhering to the rule of ‘subsidiarity’ — allowing as many decisions as possible to be taken at the lowest possible level — can simplify the administration of the entire country.

Five, the bureaucracy. Pakistan inherited a fairly good bureaucratic system from the British but has proceeded to politicise, corrupt and destroy it. It should be discarded and a new one created. A modern state needs a functionally qualified, impartial and decisive bureaucracy, free of avarice and political fear or favour, to ensure its efficient administration and development. There is no dearth of Pakistanis within and outside the country who can form the core of such a new bureaucracy.

Six, government finances. The government is broke because only a small fraction of income earners — mostly the salaried class — pay their taxes. Successive governments have shied away from broadening the tax base and utilising coercive measures of tax collection because the delinquents either belong to the political class or have political connections. A fair and effective system must be quickly implemented. Likewise, huge savings can be made by restructuring or privatising the 20-plus loss-making state corporations that are bleeding amounts equal to the country’s entire budget deficit each year.

Seven, human development. Pakistan’s growing population of the young, uneducated and unskilled is an economic and social liability, feeding radicalism and crime. A skilled population would be its greatest asset, generating income and consumption and accelerating economic growth. Education and skill creation should be Pakistan’s highest priority and deserve vastly expanded budget support.

Eight, infrastructure. Most of Pakistan’s physical infrastructure — transport, energy, irrigation — is over 50 years old. Economic growth and investment will continue to be constrained without modern infrastructure. The greatest impediment to infrastructure development, apart from the paucity of resources and long-range planning, is the system of kickbacks and corruption surrounding public projects. An investment authority, free of political affiliation, should be constituted to oversee the effective and planned execution of infrastructure projects.

Nine, agriculture. Pakistan’s vast potential in food and agricultural production has been neglected. With its large population, agricultural production in Pakistan can be enlarged significantly by small farmers, not large conglomerates. This would also ease the unemployment and urbanisation challenges. What is required? Land reform, to entitle small farmers, and technological and financial support to enable them to succeed.

Ten, industrialisation. Local manufacturing industries are essential to create jobs, substitute imports, enlarge exports and propel growth and general prosperity. For once, we should follow Mr Modi by proclaiming a ‘make in Pakistan’ slogan. To succeed, it will be necessary to review Pakistan’s trade and investment regime which does not offer sufficient incentives and protections to domestic producers.

The ten tasks outlined here may appear too daunting at first sight. Yet, with serious and bold leadership, a planned and sequenced endeavour can be launched to implement the governance reforms that are vitally needed to save Pakistan from further decline and eventual political and social collapse.

To start, agreement should be reached to establish a high-level commission to identify the reform agenda. It could set up committees composed of reputable experts in each area to propose the reforms and the modalities for their implementation.

Unfortunately, it is not evident who can convince Pakistan’s political establishment of the importance of being earnest.

By MUNIR Akram: The writer is a former Pakistan ambassador to the UN.
Dawn.Com

Worth of a Teacher in Degenerated Society

خاکروب، چوکیدار اور استاد... ایک اور ایک…منیراحمد بلوچ



ضلع میانوالی میں UNHCR کے تحت ایک کیمپ میں اسکول ٹیچر، خاکروب اور چوکیدار کی ایک ایک خالی آسامی کی بھرتی کیلئے اشتہار شائع ہوا ہے اس اشتہار میں اسکول ٹیچر کی خالی آسامی کیلئے تعلیمی قابلیت بی اے بی ایڈ اور ساتھ ہی کم از کم دو سال کے تدریسی تجربہ کی شرط عائد کی گئی ہے جبکہ اس کیلئے کل ماہانہ مشاہرہ8712/- رکھا گیا ہے اس اشتہار میں خاکروب اور چوکیدار کی علیحدہ علیحدہ دو خالی آسامیوں کیلئے تعلیمی قابلیت کی جو شرط رکھی گئی ہے اس کے مطابق ” امیدوار پڑھنا لکھنا جانتا ہو“ اور خاکروب اور سویپر کی ماہانہ تنخواہ8,712/- جبکہ چوکیدار کی آسامی کیلئے ماہانہ تنخواہ 8,865/- روپے رکھی گئی ہے۔ جس ملک اور معاشرے میں چودہ سالہ تعلیمی قابلیت رکھنے والے گریجویٹ اور بی ایڈ کی ایک سال کی اضافی تعلیمی قابلیت کے علا وہ مزیددو سال کا تدریسی تجربہ رکھنے والے استاد کے احترام کی یہ حالت ہو کہ اس کا ماہانہ مشاہرہ چوکیدار اور خاکروب سے کم ہو۔کیا یہ معلم کی توہین نہیں؟ جس معاشرہ میں تعلیم اور تدریس سے منسلک استادکا ماہانہ مشاہرہ ایک خاکروب کے برابر اور چوکیدار سے کم ہواس معاشرے میں وہی کچھ ہو گا جو ہورہا ہے کچھ عرصہ قبل نیشنل پولیس اکیڈیمی اسلام آباد کی طرف سے خالی آسامیوں پر بھرتی کیلئے ملکی اخبارات میں ایسا ہی ایک اشتہار دیا گیا تھا جس میں دوسری آسامیوں کیساتھ ساتھ امام مسجد/خطیب کی ایک آسامی کیلئے بھی درخواستیں مانگی گئیں اسی اشتہار میں سٹینو ٹائپسٹ کی آسامی کی تنخواہ کیلئے حکومت کا اسکیل12 مقرر کیا گیا جبکہ تعلیمی قابلیت ایف اے بمع ٹائپنگ اور شارٹ ہینڈ رکھی گئی جبکہ امام مسجد/خطیب کیلئے پے سکیل11 مقرر کیا گیا اور اس کیلئے تعلیمی قابلیت کم از کم ایم اے اسلامیات کے علاوہ کسی مستند ادارے سے فاضل درس نظامی، فاضل عربی ،شہادة القراة والتجوید اور کسی بھی سرکاری یا نیم سرکاری ادارے میں امامت اور خطابت کا ایک سالہ لازمی تجربہ مانگا گیا۔ اسٹینو گرافر کے گریڈ بارہ پر کوئی اعتراض نہیں ہے بلکہ اسے دوسرے سرکاری ملازمین کے ساتھ اور بہتر بنایا جائے اعتراض یہ ہے کہ انگریزی کی مختصر تشریح کرنے والے کو سکیل بارہ اور اسلامیات میں ایم اے کرنے والا جو قران پاک کی تشریح کرے گا اسے ایک درجہ کم رکھا گیا ؟۔ آج ہمارے معاشرے میں جو مذہبی تنگ نظری اور معاشرتی زبوں حالی نظرآرہی ہے اس کی بنیادی وجہ دینی اور دنیاوی تعلیم دینے والے کو ہم نے فقط”ملاء اور ماسٹر“ بنا کر رکھا ہوا ہے دین اسلام کی تعلیم اور تبلیغ دینے والے کو عیسائی ، یہودی اور بدھ مت کے مبلغوں کی طرح با عزت مقام نہ دیئے جانے کی وجہ سے ہمارے ملک میں روائتی ملا ازم نے فروغ پایا جس کا نتیجہ ہم سب من حیث القوم بھگت رہے ہیں آج کی مذہبی انتہا پسندی، بنیا دپرستی اور لا علمی کی اصل وجہ یہی ہے اگر استاد کو بہتر مراعات دی جاتیں تو یہ لوگ خود کو معاشرے میں کم تر ہونے کے احساس کا شکار نہ ہوتے اور ”ملاء یا ماسٹر“کی بجاے ایک بہترین عالم دین اور سکالر بن کر نوجوان نسل کو روشنی دکھاتے ۔کسی کالج یا تعلیمی ادارے میں لیکچرر اسلامیات کی تقرری کیلئے بھی کم از کم تعلیمی قابلیت ایم اے اسلامیات مقرر ہے اور تعلیمی اداروں کے یہ لیکچرار جو طلباء کو اسلامیات کی تعلیم دیتے ہیں ان کیلئے حکومت نے قومی پے اسکیل17مقرر کیا ہوا ہے کیا یہ بات عجیب سی نہیں لگتی کہ پاکستان کی نیشنل پولیس اکیڈیمی کی مسجد کا امام جس نے اکیڈیمی میں زیر تربیت پولیس افسران اور وہاں کام کرنے والے دوسرے افراد کو مذہبی تعلیم دینی ہے اس کا رتبہ سولہ سالہ تعلیمی ریکارڈ فاضل عربی سمیت دوسرے مدارس کی تعلیم کے علا وہ ایک سالہ تجربہ رکھنے کے با وجود ایک عام کلرک کے بر ابر رکھا جائے اسلام آباد کی اس پولیس اکیڈیمی میں رینجرز اور دوسرے قانون نا فذ کرنے والے اداروں سے متعلق افسران کو گاہے بگاہے وہاں کورس کیلئے بھی بلا یا جاتا ہے اس لیئے ایسی اکیڈیمی میں امامت اور دینی تعلیم دینے والا مرتبے میں کم نہیں ہونا چاہیئے ․․․ایک ایسا شخص جو اسلام آباد جیسے بڑے شہر میں تعینات ہو وہ دس بارہ ہزار روپے میں کس طرح گزارہ کرے گا اوراگروہ شادی شدہ ہے تو وہ خود اور بچوں کو کیا کھلائے گا اور ہمارا معاشرہ جو ابھی تک اپنے بزرگوں کو کسی اولڈ ہوم یا بورڈنگ ہاؤس میں داخل کرانے کی بجائے اپنے بوڑھے والدین کی خدمت کرنا اور انہیں اپنے ساتھ رکھنا خوش قسمتی اور عبا دت سمجھتا ہے وہ اسلام آباد جیسے مہنگے ترین شہر میں خاندان سمیت اس قلیل تنخواہ میں کیا کرے گا؟ ایک استاد یا داعی حق کے کام کی صحیح مثال ایک دہقان کے کام سے دی جا سکتی ہے جس طرح اس کا مقصد صرف اتنی سی بات سے حا صل نہیں ہو سکتا کہ کچھ بیج کسی زمین میں ڈال کر فارغ ہو بیٹھے اسی طرح ایک استاد یا داعی حق کا کام بھی صرف اسی سے انجام نہیں پا سکتا کہ وہ بچوں کو روائتی تعلیم دے انہیں رٹا لگانے کا عادی بناتے ہوئے کسی بھی طریقے سے پاس ہونے کی ترغیب دے یا داعی حق بن کر لوگوں کو کچھ وعظ سنا کر یا نماز پڑھا کرسمجھے کہ ڈیوٹی پوری ہوگئی بلکہ اصلاح اور نیکی کی تعلیم کیلئے ضروری ہے کہ اس کے دل کے اندر اپنی دی گئی تعلیم اور وعظ کے ساتھ وہی لگاؤ ہو جو ایک فرض شناس کسان کو اپنے بوئے ہوئے بیج کے ساتھ ہوتا ہے ۔ لگاتا رمحنت اور مسلسل نگہداشت کرتا ہے تب کہیں جا کر اپنی محنت کا پھل پاتا ہے اسی طرح ایک استاد اور خطیب کو بھی اسی صورت میں اپنی دعوت کو پھولتے دیکھنا نصیب ہوتا ہے جب وہ دعوت کے ساتھ ساتھ تربیت کی جانکاہیوں کے ایک طویل سلسلے کو جھیلنے کی قابلیت اور ہمت رکھتا ہو اور اگر اس میں قابلیت تو کوٹ کوٹ کر بھری ہو لیکن دو وقت کی روٹی کی سختیوں اور ہمارے معاشرے کے رسم ورواج میں جکڑے ہوئے وسائل نے اسے مفلوج کر رکھا ہو تو وہ اپنے فرائض پر مکمل توجہ نہیں دے سکتا۔افسوس سے کہنا پڑتا ہے کہ امریکہ برطانیہ اور یورپی ممالک کے فادر ، یہودیوں کے ربی کی ماہانہ تنخواہیں ہمارے سرکاری اور تعلیمی اداروں کے امام مسجدوں اور خطیبوں کی دس سال کی تنخواہ کے برا بر ہیں اور ہمارے بی اے بی ایڈ سکول ٹیچر اور ا یم اے اسلامیات خطیب کی ما ہانہ تنخواہ پادری، ربی کی آدھے دن کی تنخواہ کے برابر تو کجا ایک ان پڑھ خاکروب اور چوکیدار کے برابر بھی نہیں ؟

http://jang.net/urdu/details.asp?nid=626770

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Iqbal and reconstruction of religious thought In Islam إقبال والتعمير في الفكر الديني في الإسلام

WebpageTranslator

Nineteenth century was very critical for Islam and Islamic theology. Islamic theology had remained static for centuries. It evolved up to first three century and then became static, particularly after sack of Baghdad in 1258 A.D. Sack of Baghdad was a critical moment for the Islamic world. It delivered severe blow not only to the Abbasid Caliphate but also to Islamic thought. In fact the decline had begun from 11th century itself. The Muslim power was weakening and sense of security was lost. For flowering of a civilisation and culture, peace and stability is very essential.

It is true that other Muslim empires did come into existence after fall of Baghdad and those empires like Fatimid and Safavid empires on one had and regional empires like the Moghul Empire, on the other. These empires were also great empires and provided stability and peace for several centuries. Yet, the Abbasid Empire, for various reasons, had become in the words of Toyenbee, a ‘universal state’ of Islam. Its decline had great psychological impact on the minds of Muslims. Many scholars maintain that the gates of ijtihad (intellectual assertion) were closed after the fall of the Abbasid Empire.

The stagnation in theological thinking continued until the beginning of the colonial period in various Islamic countries including India. India, though not an Islamic country, was under the Muslim (Moghul) rule until 1857. The colonial rule gave a great jolt to Muslim thinkers in most of the colonised world. Jamaluddin Afghani, Muhammad Abduh, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and several others were product of this crisis situation in the Muslim world. The mainstream theology, however, continued unchanged. But some major thinkers emerged in all these countries who realised the significance of re-thinking theological issues.

It is important to note that the external situation has great effect on the thinking of human mind. The external challenges create new responses and increased challenges create greater response and it is creative minority, which creatively responds to the external challenges. And it is creative intellectuals in these Muslim countries who responded to the external challenge posed by the colonial rule. From India those who responded to the British colonial challenge were, among others, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Dr. Mohammad Iqbal, Maulavi Chiragh Ali, Maulavi Mumtaz Ali Khan and several others.

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Maulavi Chiragh Ali and Maulavi Mumtaz Ali Khan were brilliant thinkers and Islamic scholars. They chose to respond to the crisis in Muslim society created by the colonial rule and wrote on related topics. Their contributions to Islamic thought in India were quite seminal. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan also began to write a new commentary on the holy Qur’an but could not complete due to storm of opposition from the orthodox theologians. His priority was to spread modern education among Muslims. But Maulavi Chiragh Ali and others continued their campaign for re-thinking issues and responding to new challenges. This was their priority.

Dr. Iqbal came later on the scene. He too had an opportunity for both traditional and modern education. Iqbal was product of intense crisis period in modern Indian history, particularly the crisis Muslims in India were facing. The Indian Muslim elite had lost political power and now had to compete with the Hindu elite for government jobs and elected offices. In addition to loss of power they were nursing minority complex as well. Thus they were suffering from double challenge – loss of power and minority status.

Iqbal was acutely aware of this situation and was quite sensitive. On top of all this the Muslims in India felt great shock at the fall of Turkish Khilafat after the First World War. The Khilafat movement became a big issue in Indian freedom movement as well. It was after fall of Turkish Empire that Iqbal wrote his moving poem Khizr-e-Rah. And it was during this period of intense crisis that Iqbal developed the concept of khudi i.e. self. This concept of self was meant to overcome the sense of deprivation among the Muslim elite and give them sense of self esteem and generate power-consciousness among them. Iqbal admires power precisely because the Muslim elite was suffering from the feeling of powerlessness.

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Leadership Crisis

Did Jinnah, a civilized and urbane man if he was anything, create Pakistan so that these humbugs, supported by our friends in the military – let us never forget this crucial nexus – should preach right and wrong to us? ..... Our highest temples should have been raised to education and science, art and invention, sports and culture. We should have justified Partition by outperforming the rest of the sub-continent. And we should have been able to keep Pakistan together by not giving a raw deal to the people of East Pakistan. May our sins in this regard be expiated. And may we have the wisdom to do something about the anger seething in Balochistan. Are we incapable of learning from the past? ..... Why are our elite classes so dumb and feckless? Why can’t they think through things clearly? And why are they incapable of taking a tough stand where such a stand is required?

Since the political class has little faith in itself it cannot bring itself to appeal to the good sense of the people. So by default the space thus left vacated is filled by the armies of the benighted. This is Pakistan’s real tragedy, the cowardice of its governing classes. With no convictions to speak of, it is futile expecting them to have anything resembling the courage of their convictions?

How do we become a normal country? By going back to first causes and purging the national mind of all the ideological deadwood allowed to grow in it. National security will not be protected or enhanced by nuclear capability but by investing more in education and science and industrial endeavour. (Which doesn’t mean we abandon our nuclear capability...only this that we stop treating it like something akin to the holy grail.) And we free our minds of the hypocrisy in the name of religion injected into it during the Zia years. [Excerpts from, 'Reinventing Ideology of Pakistan' by Ayaz Amir, http://thenews.jang.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=38025&Cat=9 ]

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Zardari’s vision is to stay in power and further enrich his person and his family. End of story. The common belief is he has enough but, by all accounts, we are dealing with insatiable appetites. Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani’s vision is to enrich his family. If a tenth of the stories doing the rounds are to be even tentatively believed, they are doing pretty well for themselves. Names close to the army high command are also the subject of lurid rumours.

But the problem is greater than a few names.

Pakistan’s governing class as a whole has earned the distinction of being rotten and corrupt. Everyone rightly-placed is on the take. Those not so fortunate are less emblems of virtue than martyrs to opportunities absent or lost.

A leadership thus tainted, compromised by ineptitude and greed, can neither initiate reform nor reverse the tide of obscurantism now washing against the walls of the Republic.

Lest we forget, the armies of the faithful – with their fearsome beards and shaven moustaches, shalwars pulled up over ankles – have never been in power in Pakistan (the MMA’s stint as Musharraf’s co-travellers in the Frontier not really counting in this equation).
What Pakistan is today, the depths it has plumbed, the failures courted, the follies assiduously pursued, have been the handiwork of its English-speaking elite classes – who wouldn’t be caught dead calling themselves secular but who, for all practical purposes, represent a secularist point of view.

The mullahs have not been responsible for our various alliances with the United States; our entry into Cento and Seato; our militarist adventures vis-à-vis India; and the honing of ‘jihad’ as an instrument of strategic fallacies. This last piece of brilliance came from the army as commanded by Gen Ziaul Haq. Religious elements became willing accessories in this game but were not its inventors.

If the first Constituent Assembly lavished attention on a piece of rhetoric of no practical benefit to anyone, the Objectives Resolution, instead of writing a constitution which was its chief duty, the fault lay not so much with the clerical fathers as with the Muslim League leadership.
The phrase ‘ideology of Pakistan’ was an invention of Gen Yahya Khan’s information minister, Maj Gen Nawabzada Sher Ali Khan. The central tenet of our security doctrine which sees India as an implacable foe out to undo Pakistan was woven in no madrassah or mosque but in General Headquarters, and a mindset which has been a distinguishing feature of the Punjabi elite.

Our fractured education system is a gift, paradoxically, of our English-speaking classes which have never felt the slightest need for framing a common education policy – the same books and curriculum, the same medium of education – for the entire country.

The army, a secular institution to begin with, has ruled Pakistan. The mainstream parties have been in power. Pakistan’s failures are their failures. The religious parties have been the hyenas and jackals of the hunt, yelping from the sides and helping themselves to the morsels that came their way. Lords of the hunt, lions of the pack, have been Pakistan’s generals and politicians, assisted ably at all times by a powerful and equally short-sighted mandarin class.

If the misuse of religion, the exploitation of religion for less-than-holy ends, the yoking of religion to unworthy causes – such as our never-ending adventures in Afghanistan – has poisoned the national atmosphere and narrowed the space for reasoned debate, the principal responsibility for that too lies with those who have held the reins of power in their hands. Why could they not have reversed the course of events, especially when it lay in their power to do so?

True, Gen Zia’s rule amounted to a visitation from the outer reaches of purgatory. We say he distorted Pakistan, which of course he did. But it is 22 years since his departure, time enough to have healed the wounds he caused and dismantle his legacy. But if the many temples to hypocrisy he erected survive, who is to blame? The Pakistan of today is Zia’s Pakistan not Jinnah’s. But if we have been unable to go back to our founding principles the fault lies not with the zealous armies of the bearded but Pakistan’s secular rulers, in mufti and khaki.

It is not the mullahs who frighten the ruling classes. These classes are afraid of their own shadows. And they have lost the ability, if they ever had it in the first place, to think for themselves. They live on imported ideas and the power of their own fantasies.

It is not a question of the English-speaking classes – our so-called civil society with its small candle-light vigils, usually in some upscale market – standing up to the clerical armies. This is to get the whole picture wrong. It is a question of the Pakistani state – its various institutions, its defence establishment and the creeds and fallacies held dear as articles of faith by this establishment – getting its direction right and then creating a new consensus enabling it to retreat from the paths of folly.

If the Pakistani establishment continues to see India as the enemy, keeps pouring money into an arms race it cannot afford, is afflicted by delusions of grandeur relative to Afghanistan, and remains unmindful of the economic disaster into which the country is fast slipping, we will never get a grip on the challenges we face.[Lets not forget Indian adventures to create Bangladesh, occupation of Kashmir and other disputes]

The raging cleric, frothing at the mouth, is thus not the problem. He is merely a symptom of something larger. Pakistan’s problem is the delusional general and the incompetent politician and as long as this is not fixed, the holy armies of bigotry will remain on the march.

[Excerpts, 'The clerics are on the march' By Ayaz Amir, News ]

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Zardari Speaks Not

What Zardari did not say and did not see
In a lacklustre performance devoid of any fireworks, any depth of vision, commitment or strength of argument, President Asif Ali Zardari went through the motions on Tuesday almost thanking the opposition for their absence so that he could quickly finish the drab show and get back to running the country from his bunker a few yards away.

It was a speech most of which he had read last year, and years before, adding a few odd points at the last minute in a shoddy manner for the galleries like starting off abruptly by asking the UN for condemning the maverick US pastor who had burnt copies of the Holy Quran, instead of dealing with the issue in a serious manner. Full of oft-repeated clichÈs, rhetoric and empty promises, the presidential address was marked more by what he did not say than what he told the nation.

If before he got up to address the joint session he had closed his eyes for a few minutes and had quickly surveyed his three-year reign, he would have seen where he had brought the country. What he missed in his speech, he may have seen with his eyes closed.

Here is a 10-point list of what Zardari missed in his speech but would have realised:

- He has run the country as a one-man show since the day Benazir Bhutto lost her life and left this nation in the hands of someone she had blacklisted from politics and banned from entering Pakistan while she was alive.

- His failure to become a respected national leader with credibility, depth and vision has turned Pakistan almost into an intolerant, wayward and undependable pariah state, despised equally by friends and foes internationally, distrusted by global economic and financial institutions.

- His style and pettiness in politics has earned him no new friends, if there were any in the beginning they are no more, only a coterie of self-seekers and treasure hunters surrounds him, internationally he has not been trusted with any aid money. Even the Kerry-Lugar dollars are tied to strings because of lack of trust.

- His domestic politics is in shambles. Political allies and opponents do not believe a word of what he says, ratings among the masses is remarkably low, within the PPP there is a strong feeling of a mafia controlling the party and al credible leaders have either sidelined themselves voluntarily or have been pushed aside. The party no longer represents the voice of its electorate. Most of his opponents and allies preferred not to listen to him.

- His relations with the courts are at the bottom low and his policy of defiance and confrontation has reached such despicable levels that now even small shopkeepers like one-room cable operators are defying the courts. Where this defiance will take the nation is not hard to imagine as rule of law is being buried day by day and Asif Zardari is leading this mission to demolish the courts. He wants a return to the Dogar era but he does not realise that if he succeeds, the next dictator will use the same court against him and with a vengeance.

- His dealings with the establishment are reduced to blackmailing and threats of using the Sindh Card. Every time there is a sign that the army may support judgments by the independent judiciary, the Sindh Card is waved. Just luckily the army and the security establishment is not yet in a position to strike back but instead of using this weakness to consolidate the political system, Asif Zardari has done everything to insult and humiliate them. Reports that there was some kind of a celebration in the Presidency because the army and ISI were being publicly kicked for the Raymond Davis fiasco have been noted by some politicians, one making a public statement condemning the Presidency.

- His relations with the media are rancorous and based on the policy of buying or bullying. The blatant use of Pemra to shut down all the channels when the entertainment-starved country was waiting for the Pakistan-Australia World Cup match is an example of how low the thinking has gone to punish critics. There is no realisation of the damage such policies may cause to the concept of rule of law and justice. If every one is encouraged to defy the highest of courts, only the principle of might is right may prevail. We all know who has the might when chips are down.

- His attempts to survive and avoid his own accountability have just succeeded to the point of delaying the inevitable. While he did not mention the word corruption in his speech, the SC has to give its final verdict on many of his cases and the judges have hinted that there has to be a limit to their patience. Once it runs out, either Zardari has to submit to the law or push the justice system towards a collapse. Whatever he achieves will not be in his own interest so there is no win-win or win-lose option but only a lose-lose situation.

- His tall claims of bringing billions of dollars and generating local and foreign investment have evaporated into colourless smoke. He now needs a consensus to put the blame on others as well.

- His favours to his cronies have brought him troubles, infamy and at the end humiliation. But the irony is that these cronies will not stand by him. They will be the first to run, leaving him in the dock.

This list can go on and on but when the president spoke in the joint session of parliament, there was no indication of sharing any responsibility or blame. He should have told the nation how he plans to address these wrongs. He did not.

How the nation pays for these gross mistakes and blunders is yet to be assessed but what is certain is that the more time Zardari is given to preside over this disaster, the greater will be the price. Everyone including parliamentarians, political leaders outside the parliament, the media, the courts, the civil society and the guardian of internal and external security must think hard how this price will be paid.
By Shaheen Sehbai, http://old.thenews.com.pk/23-03-2011/ethenews/t-4823.htm
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Cerics on march -Ayaz Amir:

Unrecognisable Pakistan

Unrecognisable Pakistan 23 March 2011
Every year, we commemorate March 23 in remembrance of “The Pakistan Resolution” passed in the historic city of Lahore in 1940. The Idea of Pakistan was about to be born.

On that day, the Muslim League led by Mr Jinnah declared its support for the Idea of Pakistan. That is why generations of Pakistanis will always remember March 23 with profound reverence and respect. Seven years later, thanks to the iron will and determination of Mr Jinnah, we became proud citizens of a sovereign, independent country-a country we could live for and die for. As he left the Constitutional Convention of 1787, Benjamin Franklin was asked by an admirer, “Dr. Franklin what have you given us”. Franklin turned to the questioner and replied, “A Republic, if you can keep it.”

Not too long ago, we possessed a great country. But where giants walked, midgets pose now. The talk today is of a vanished dignity, of a nation diminished in ways not previously imaginable. It is almost as if no one wants to acknowledge a sad end to what once was a beautiful dream. Our rulers squandered Jinnah’s legacy and turned his dream into a nightmare.

Many nations in the past have attempted to develop democratic institutions, only to lose them when they took their liberties and political institutions for granted, and failed to comprehend foreign threats to their sovereignty and independent. Pakistan is a classic example. Born at midnight as a sovereign, independent, democratic country, today it is neither sovereign, nor independent, nor democratic. Today it is not just a “rentier state,” not just a client state. It is a slave state, ill-led, ill-governed by a corrupt, power-hungry junta running a puppet government set up by Washington.

Sixty-three years after independence, are we really free? Are the people masters in their own house? From the kind of country we have today, Pakistan has lost its manhood and is a ghost of its former self. If Pakistan were to look into a mirror now, it wouldn’t recognise itself. The contrast between Pakistan in 1947 – idealistic, democratic, progressive, optimistic, and Pakistan today – leaderless, rudderless, violent, besieged, corrupt, uncertain about its future – could not be sharper or more disheartening. If you want to know how a people can survive despite their corrupt government, or corrupt leaders, well, visit Pakistan.

The independence of Pakistan is a myth. By succumbing to American pressure, we managed to secure a temporary reprieve. But at what price? Twenty-four hours after CIA spy Raymond Davis – charged with killing two Pakistani citizens in broad daylight in Lahore – was allowed to leave the country with the full support of the government, American drones attacked Data Khel in North Waziristan, killing 25 innocent Pakistanis – men, women and children. No protest. No regrets. No word of sympathy. No remorse.

Today Pakistan is dotted with American fortresses, which seriously comprises our internal and external sovereignty. American security personnel stationed on our soil, like Raymond Davis, move in and out of the country without any let or hindrance. Pakistan has become a launching pad for military operations against neighbouring Muslim countries. We have been drawn into someone else’s war without understanding its true dimension or ultimate objectives. Nuclear Pakistan has been turned into an American lackey, currently engaged in a proxy war against its own people.

With all her shortcomings, Benazir Bhutto had undoubted leadership qualities – charisma, courage, political acumen and articulation. After her tragic assassination, Mrs Zardari’s sudden ascension to the Presidency caused panic among the people.
Zardari reminds one of the American black leader J Raymond Jones. President Truman once asked a New York news paper reporter whether Mr Jones could be trusted. The reporter replied: “Well, Mr President, I can tell you one thing. If Ray Jones stole the Brooklyn Bridge, no would ever find it.”

The present leadership is taking Pakistan to a perilous place. The course they are on leads downhill. How meaningful is our twisted, stunted, pallid democracy, replete with parliament, cabinet, political parties, when crucial decisions are made elsewhere. How can authentic democracy take roots in this country when it has been stripped of all its core values – sovereignty of the people, Inviolability of the Constitution, rule of law, supremacy of civilian rule, independence of the Election Commission, sanctity of the ballot box, and a neutral, honest civil service? How can democracy flourish in the absence of ruthless accountability of corrupt rulers, past and present?

One of the lessons of history is that when people lose faith in their rulers when they lose faith in the sanctity of the ballot box; when elections are rigged and votes are purchased; when the gap between the rulers and the ruled widens; when there are no ways for people to express political preferences from time to time in an atmosphere free from fear, coercion, or intimidation; when known corrupt people, tax evaders and smugglers are foisted upon a poor, illiterate electorate unable to make an informed political choice, and sworn in as ministers; when elections throw up not the best, not the noblest, not the fittest, not the most deserving, but the scum of the community, and a legion of scoundrels; when hunger and anger come together, people, sooner or later, come out on to the streets and demonstrate Lenin’s maxim that in such situations voting with citizen’s feet is more effective than voting in elections.

Too long have we been passive spectators of events. Today our fate is in our hands, but soon it may pass beyond control. A shout in the mountains has been known to start an avalanche. We must call things by their names and shout louder.
Let Pakistan be Pakistan again. Let it be the dream it used to be – a dream that is almost dead today. From “those who live like leeches on the people’s lives” – who have robbed us of everything, our past, our present, our future and all our beautiful dreams-we must take back our land again.

Pakistan shares many of Egypt’s problems: rampant corruption, social injustice, a growing wealth gap, inflation, total subservience to United States of America. One reason for the rebellions in Egypt and elsewhere was the in-your-face corruption that everyone knew about. We in Pakistan inhale corruption in the very air we breathe. How can any of our hopes emerge from this quagmire?

This is one of those moments in history when all that is needed is for someone to push open the door. The present corrupt political system would, I have no doubt, disappear in a violent upheaval since it carries within it the seed of its own destruction. At this moment, when the nation is standing on the escalator of corruption and anarchy, right-minded citizens cannot afford to stand frozen in disgust and dismay. We cannot merely look upon the political developments in sorrow and upon our politicians in anger.

By Roedad Khan: http://old.thenews.com.pk/23-03-2011/ethenews/e-37627.htm

The writer is a former federal secretary. Email: roedad@comsats.net.pk, www.roedadkhan.com

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