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Showing posts with label Imran Khan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Imran Khan. Show all posts

The Road to Raiwind via Park Lane London- Panama Leaks

In his speech to the nation on Sunday evening, Imran Khan seems to have hit all the right notes. It was a well scripted speech in which sensible demands were made. We need to know how the money was made by the prime minister’s family. Possibly, an inquiry through a Supreme Court judge would be the way to move ahead.

The government is in denial mode. One was amazed to see how quickly our PM reacted to the Panama Leaks, not even waiting one day to come on national television to address the nation to defend his family’s assets abroad. This is the same PM who dilly-dallied on other more important issues.

‘Will march towards Raiwind if Panama Papers revelations not probed independently’

While the PM of Iceland has resigned and the British PM seems to be tottering, our PM seems to think he has done nothing wrong. And the manner in which he and his close aides are defending the first family begs more questions than gives answers.

One was disappointed by the statements of Information Minister Pervaiz Rashid and the accusations that he made against Imran Khan and the Shaukat Khanum Hospital. Rashid has always been a sensible and mature person. Using the tactic of offense is the best defence, his press conference leaves one somewhat disgusted.

The response of the Sharif government on the whole has been disappointing. Instead of clearing its name, it has instead attacked Imran Khan, the only prominent politician who took the government to task. One need not be a supporter of the PTI to understand that the PTI and the hospital are two different things.

The accusation that Shaukat Khanum Hospital’s name was used to launder money is laughable. But if that has happened, let us launder some more. After all, the poor people of Pakistan have benefitted from this hospital the most.
Keeping aside Imran Khan’s politics, his hospital is a beacon of hope in a sea of helplessness. The hospital is run on professional lines and has helped thousands of people who would otherwise not receive any help through our government hospitals or those funded by other trusts and foundations. Imran Khan’s politics may have affected funding of the Shaukat Khanum Hospital but it continues to serve the people without distinction.

What is sad about the Panama Leaks in Pakistan is that our main opposition political party cannot take a stand against the ruling party. That is because their leaders are also named in the scam. We can call this the bankruptcy of our political system where the representatives of the people cannot hold each other accountable as they are all tainted by the same brush. Who then do we turn to? The answer is very much there.

The demand to bring in experts who investigate white collar crime is a good one. But we all know it won’t happen. We have seen in the past how international or impartial investigators have always been hindered when it comes to investigating wrongdoing in Pakistan. Who can forget the Scotland Yard team that came to investigate the murder of former PM Benazir Bhutto. The team was not given access to important records or information.

So what will happen next? We look forward to the end of the month when Imran Khan promises to surround the Nawaz mansion in Rawind. This is the same place where the Indian prime minister visited on his pit stop trip to Pakistan. We need to know more about this palace as well. How much of our public money goes into maintaining this? How was it built? Lahore journalists have all the answers. Maybe it is time for another round of leaks.

In all this, another issue that came to the forefront was how apart from the ruling party, our publicly funded Pakistan Television, cannot be used by anyone else to express their views. PTV is a funded through our electricity bills. Even those who don’t have a television are paying for the government’s propaganda. Why can others not be brought on air? Incidently, we got this brilliant idea from Turkey and was introduced in the time of our debonair PM, Shaukat Aziz. However, now we need to make PTV a public television. It is time for some introspection by the ruling party. We cannot continue denying.
By Kamal Siddiqi, Published in The Express Tribune, April 11th,  2016.
http://tribune.com.pk/story/1082223/the-road-to-rawind/

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Four things Imran Khan did right at the Larkana rally

Imran Khan's rhetoric of change and his withering invective against the ruling PPP has struck the right chord with the Sindhi populace. PHOTO: NNI/FILE
With success of the massive public gathering in Larkana, Imran Khan has made a knock-on effect on Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP).

Whilst everyone in the political arena was waiting for the outcome of this rally, many said it would be difficult for the cricketer-turned-politician to gain a foothold in Sindh – often considered the political backyard of the PPP; others were counting on his failure, hoping that this jalsa would be the cause of Imran’s fall.

However, on the contrary, Imran made a very strong statement; a show of strength, attracting a healthy crowd at the Larkana rally and, therefore, creating a serious stir in PPP’s heartland. One really has to admire his homework on the rally and how he related to the crowd, concerning issues that plague the masses of Sindh. The rally truly marked his first foray into Sindhi politics, where he talked about liberating Sindh with rudimentary reforms and actions, including a tirade on the ruling PPP.

But what were those prescient points that made his gathering a success?

Here is an assessment:

1. He struck the right chord with the Sindhi masses

Imran’s rhetoric of change and his withering invective against the ruling PPP has struck the right chord with the Sindhi populace. He emphasised on PPP’s failures to make reforms in the province.

In censuring the ruling PPP, he criticised saying that despite being in consecutive governing tenures in Sindh for the past 40 years the province lagged behind in almost every walk of life. Amid corruption, ill-governance and lack of public healthcare, the local populace is frustrated with the countless false promises made to them on Bhutto’s name.

Imran indicated that the PPP is no longer Bhutto’s party and is in fact a Zardari-clique, one that has no care for the sufferings of the masses and is only interested in looting and plundering. He also took the opportunity to unleash his tirade against Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif for his plutocratic rule and nepotism.

2. The division of Sindh

Imran wouldn’t have done so well, had he not addressed the issue of the division of Sindh during his rally – an issue very sensitive to many Sindhis. To his credit, he was very tactful, as he realised that the establishment of new provinces is not a public demand, especially in rural Sindh. The emotional attachment of the local population signifies that they consider Sindh their motherland and would never willingly allow its division.

Imran’s promise that he would never allow the division has raised his public perception and this stance could prove to be vital for his progress in the province.

3. The Kalabagh Dam

This has always been considered a contentious subject within Sindh. It is one which has only been met with contempt and fear, the fear that Sindh will be robbed of its water by other provinces, especially Punjab, and the drought, which has already gripped the province, could make things even worse.

Here too, Imran made the right call. He stated that he would never allow the construction of Kalabagh Dam without Sindh’s consent. This statement holds much importance because even past leaders from the PPP have avoided commenting on this issue leaving the people with no one to rely on.

4. Bad governance and corruption

Another issue rightly pointed, in his invective against the PPP, was governance and corruption. Quoting on the state of Larkana’s roads as a reminder of Mohenjo-Daro, Imran pointed out the sorry state of such a historic city.

He further stated that bad governance and corruption have reached epidemic proportions with the ruling PPP. Despite having large reservoirs of minerals and natural gas, the province is poverty stricken and has one of highest ratios of economic inequality. He added that Sindhis were not getting proper health facilities and jobs were not given on merit but on favouritism, evident in transfers and postings.

Imran didn’t just paint the right picture of himself and his party, but also showed the people that he could relate himself to issues concerning Sindh in a way that the people themselves do – a more Bhutto-esque way than Bhutto’s own prodigal grandson ever could. He pointed out the problems faced by the local population, promised to fix them from the grass-root level and censured the ruling of PPP making his rally a real success in Larkana.

It remains to be seen whether he can make sweeping victories in Sindh during the coming elections. But one thing is for certain: Imran Khan is now a worthy opponent knocking at PPP’s door.

Maqsood Ahmed Soomro
The writer is an English literature aficionado, who likes to write on politics. He tweets as @Maqsood_Soomro1 (twitter.com/@Maqsood_Soomro1)

Election inquiry

Poll inquiry talks are deadlocked on minor issues. Logically, PML-N should accept PTI’s demands about a comprehensive inquiry and opening of constituencies given how contested its mandate has become.

But this may require constitutional amendments allowing a commission to conduct such inquiries since the apex court has recently rejected three election petitions. This is because Article 225 designates tribunals as the primary fora for poll disputes.

The party should also agree to dissolve assemblies if massive rigging is proved, even if not carried out by PML-N, since its mandate would still be non-authentic. These issues are diverting attention from bigger problems.

The first relates to whether the Supreme Court should get involved given that three senior judges have headed the ECP since August 2013.

Also read: Justice Nasirul Mulk resigns as acting CEC

The chief justice recently eschewed an election case given this. But could even other (junior) judges unbiasedly evaluate the post-poll performance of an ECP headed by fellow senior judges? It seems a case of institutional conflict of interest.

A probe into alleged poll rigging can be problematic.
This politically charged case is so complex that the commission may fail to provide watertight justifications for its judgments, thus exposing the court to bias allegations.

A one-time commission of respected Pakistani or UN experts makes more sense, though finding such Pakistanis may be difficult while UN involvement may lead to sovereignty concerns.

Secondly, sound legal grounds must be established for the inquiry to avoid setting bad precedents. Statistics show no party submitted petitions against more than 8pc of the contested seats, thus suggesting none had rigging proof against 92pc seats.

Tribunals have to date adjudicated on 80pc of the petitions. Few appeals have been made against tribunal decisions. So, it must be shown that new evidence has emerged after the relevant deadlines passed.

The most vexing issue is about how to undertake such a vast inquiry, in a short space of time. Few countries have conducted investigations of entire elections. Afghanistan merely recounted around eight million votes, that too inconclusively.

Also read: ECP tests biometric system for voter verification

The demands here, eg, biometrically checking fingerprints, are more complex. Investigations must cover three types of rigging (vote fraud, suppression and miscounting) and determine whether its actual levels justify re-election. There are five main inquiry options, all rife with complications.

The most time-consuming option is verifying thumbprints. While opening constituencies, statistical standards must be followed which dictate random and sufficiently large samples, not PTI-style hand-picked, small samples.

Going by statistical confidence and probability levels which even most routine surveys use, some 150 constituencies must be opened just for the National Assembly.

This could take months. While further vote-level sampling could be done within constituencies to reduce time, such multi-level sampling must be done with expert input.

Complications could arise if most of the votes everywhere remain unverifiable. Automatically considering unverifiable votes as fraudulent is unreasonable.

At current percentages, that would mean millions of fraudulent votes were cast, which seems impossible.

Thus, evidence of widespread election-day voter identity fraud is needed to consider unverifiable votes fraudulent.

Physically retaking thumbprints from around 20,000 random voters and comparing them with Nadra records could remove confusion about unverifiable votes.

The second option is reviewing whether electoral irregularities’ levels documented by observers (eg Fafen) justify nullifying results. However, this will be highly judgmental since for most irregularities it is difficult to quantify the extent of rigging they caused.

Observers have not tabulated or analysed their irregularity data strategically, making such review difficult.

The third option is reviewing ECP vote tabulation forms, as Fafen suggests, though this will only cover vote miscounting, not suppression and fraud.

Fafen suggests nullifying elections in constituencies where major forms are missing. But in such cases, physical recounting of votes should be done before ordering re-elections.

The fourth option is reviewing tribunal decisions. Again, random sampling and adequate sample sizes will be needed, which could prolong this exercise.

The fifth option is interrogating returning officers, candidates, voters and other stakeholders. The issue here is the extent of admissible evidence they could provide.

Would commission findings be appealable and how many rigged constituencies would be required in each assembly to justify its dissolution: numbers that make the majority a minority?

It may be wise to leave most such decisions to the commission while recognising that it would have no magic wand to resolve all complications fully and issue widely acceptable judgments. Both parties must recognise these complexities to ensure a smooth inquiry and ready acceptance of inquiry results.

The writer is a governance specialist.

murtazaniaz@yahoo.com

Published in Dawn, November 2nd, 2014

Change in KPK خیبر پختونخوا۔۔۔۔ کامیابی کی کہانی


پہلے اچھی خبر۔۔۔ تازہ سروے ظاہر کرتے ہیں کہ پی ٹی آئی کی حکومت میں خیبر پختونخوا کامیاب جارہا ہے۔ یہ نہیں کہ وہ رشکِ لندن یا پیرس بن گیا ہے، ایسی بات نہیں ۔ ہم حقیقت پسند ہیں۔ اب بری خبر۔۔۔نوا ز شریف حکومت روز بروز اپنی مقبولیت کھورہی ہے۔ اس خبر کا منبع کوئی سروے نہیں بلکہ عام پاکستانی کے جذبات ہیں۔ ایسا نہیں کہ حکومت ختم ہوچکی ہے، نہیں، لیکن یہ دکھائی کہیں نہیں دیتی۔ ڈاکٹر رفعت حسین ایک قابلِ فخر پختون ہیں۔ وہ امریکہ میں رہتے اور کام کرتے ہیں۔ درحقیقت وہ ایک کامیاب سرجن ہیں۔ ان کا آبائی شہر پشاور ہے جہاں ان کے معمر والدین، جن کی عمر نوے سے کم نہیںہوگی، رہتے ہیں۔ وہ ہرسال پاکستان جاکر کچھ دیر ہسپتالوں میں پیدائشی طور پر کٹے ہوئے ہونٹوں کا آپریشن کرتے ہیں۔ سرجری سے ایسے بچے مکمل طور پر صحت یاب ہوسکتے ہیں۔ ڈاکٹر رفعت پاکستانی ڈاکٹروںکو کچھ تعلیم دینے کے لیے وقت بھی نکال لیتے ہیں۔
جب بھی ڈاکٹر رفعت پاکستان آتے ہیں تو عام افراد سے بھی ملاقات کرنے کے لیے وقت نکالتے ہیں۔ وہ جانتے ہیں کہ عام افراد ہی ایک معاشرے کی درست عکاسی کرتے ہیں۔ان کا مشاہدہ درست اور اظہار پرخلوص ہوتا ہے۔ تاہم پاکستان میں ہونے والے تجربات کو ہر مرتبہ خوشگوار کہنا آسان نہیںہوتا۔ اس مرتبہ جب ان کا جہاز اسلام آباد ایئرپورٹ، جسے دنیا کے بدترین ایئرپورٹس میں سے ایک ہونے کا اعزاز حاصل ہے، پر صبح کے تین بجے اترا تو سامان اٹھانے میں ان کی مدد کرنے والے مزدور کا تعلق بھی کے پی کے سے ہی تھا۔ اُنھوں نے پوچھا ''کیا خبریں ہیں‘‘ تو اُس نے پشتو میں جواب دیا۔۔۔''بہت بہتر حالات ہیں‘‘۔ ڈاکٹر نے پوچھا کہ کس طرح تو اُس نے جواب دیا کہ بہتر پولیس، ہسپتال اور صفائی کے نظام سے صوبے میں تبدیلی آرہی ہے۔
جس ٹیکسی والے نے ڈاکٹر رفعت کو ان کے اسلام آباد میں میزبان کے گھر پہنچایا، جہاں اُنھوں نے عارضی قیام کے بعد پشاور جانا تھا، اُس سے ڈاکٹر صاحب نے اسلام آباددھرنوں اور عمران خان کے بارے میں دریافت کیا۔ اس پر اس ٹیکسی والے نے حکومت پر ناروا الفاظ میں تنقید بھی کردی اورآج کل ایک مشہور نعرہ بھی دہرایا۔ اس کا پشتو ترجمہ بہت ہی خراب مفہوم پیش کرتا ہے۔ اگلی صبح ڈاکٹر رفعت نے پشاورکی طرف رخت سفر باندھا۔ اس موقع پر اُنہیں شریف برادران کی کارکردگی سے پہلا واسطہ پڑا جب زیادہ تر سڑکیںکھدی ہوئی ملیں ۔ اسلام آباد سے پشاور جانے والی موٹر وے تک جانے میں بیس منٹ لگتے ہیں لیکن اُنہیں دوگھنٹے لگ گئے۔اُنھوںنے دیکھا کہ سڑکوں کو متبادل راستوں کا مناسب انتظام کیے بغیر اندھا دھند کھود ڈالا گیا ہے ۔
ڈاکٹر رفعت کو پاکستان کی سرزمین پر قدم رکھے ابھی بمشکل اڑتالیس گھنٹے ہی گزرے تھے کہ اُنہیں وفاقی اور خیبر پختونخوا کی صوبائی حکومت کی کارکردگی میں فرق دکھائی دینے لگا۔ یہ وہ شخص تھا جس نے شاید ووٹ دینے پاکستان نہیں جانا، لیکن جن افراد نے اگلے انتخابات میں ووٹ کاسٹ کرنے ہیں، کیا یہ فرق ان کی نگاہوںسے اوجھل ہے؟ یہی وجہ ہے کہ مقامی حکومتوںکے انتخابات پنجاب میں آسانی سے اور وہ بھی مستقبل قریب میں نہیں کرائے جائیںگے۔ ڈاکٹر صاحب کو ایسا لگا کہ ہرشخص کی زبان پر عمران خان کا نام ہے۔ حالیہ تاریخ نے کسی سیاسی رہنما کی ایسی تشہیر نہیں دیکھی ہوگی۔ جس طرح وہ عوام کی نظروں میں آگئے ہیں (کچھ اُنہیں پسند کرتے ہیں، کچھ ناپسند، لیکن نظر انداز کوئی نہیں کرسکتا)اس کی مثل پیش کرنا مشکل ہے۔ڈاکٹر رفعت کو ایک ستر سالہ بزنس مین ملا ۔ وہ اس کاروبار بہت اچھا جارہا تھا ۔ اس کا کہنا تھا کہ اُسے سیاست میں زیادہ دلچسپی نہیں لیکن اُس کاکہناتھا کہ عمران کو اس سے زیادہ کچھ کرنے کی ضرورت نہیں جو اُس نے کردیا ہے۔ جب پوچھا گیا کہ وہ کیا چیز ہے تو اُس بزنس مین نے جواب دیا۔۔۔''شوکت خانم ہسپتال میں ایک غریب مریض بھی اُسی بیڈ پر ہوتا ہے جس طرح کا بیڈ ایک کروڑ پتی مریض کو ملتا ہے۔‘‘ ہمیں باقی پاکستان میں بھی برابری کا یہی احساس چاہیے۔ یقینا دولت مند کی زندگی مختلف ہوتی ہے لیکن اس کا سماجی رتبہ عام شخص سے بلند کیوں ہو؟دونوںکی ریاست کے نزدیک ایک سی حیثیت ہو۔ دوسری طرف شریف برادران پنجاب اور وفاق کی سیاست میں کم وبیش دوعشروںسے ہیں لیکن ان کی کسی میدان میںایسی ترجیح دکھائی نہیں دیتی۔
اس کے بعد ڈاکٹر رفعت ایک معمر عورت سے ملے جو خیبرپختونخواکے کسی دورافتادہ گائوں میں پیداہوئی اور اُس نے وہیں زندگی بسر کی تھی۔ اس کے باجود اُس کی آنکھوں میں بہتر مستقبل کی چمک تھی کہ کپتان سب کچھ بدل دے گا۔ یہ ہے وہ سیاسی اور اخلاقی کامیابی جس سے موجودہ حکمران خائف ہیں۔ عمران خان کو اقتدار ملے نہ ملے، وہ دل جیت چکا ہے۔ وہ عورت ،جو کسی گائوں میں رہتی تھی، آج اس کے بچے پشاور کے انگلش میڈیم سکولوں میں پڑھتے ہیں۔ ان کے سامنے اچھا مستقبل ہے ۔ ان کی امید سے دل کو حوصلہ ہوتاہے۔ ابھی عمران خان کی وجہ سے ملک میںکوئی انقلابی تبدیلی نہیں آئی ہے لیکن اس کا احساس ہونا شروع ہوگیا ہے۔ یہی سب سے اہم بات ہے۔ اس احساس کو روایتی سیاسی پیمانوں میں نہیں ناپا جاسکتا ۔
ڈاکٹر رفعت نے دیکھا کہ عمران خان کا تاثر خیبرپختونخوا میں ایک ایسے رہنما کے طور پر مستحکم ہورہا ہے جو ہسپتال بناتا ہے‘سکول چلاتا ہے اور منصفانہ انتخابات پر زور دیتا ہے۔ اس پر بدعنوانی کا کوئی داغ نہیں۔ ان تینوں خوبیوں کا مقابلہ سڑکیں، پل اور لیپ ٹاپ سے کرنے کی کوشش کی جارہی ہے ۔ سچ پوچھیں تو مجھے تو حکومت سے ہمدردی محسوس ہوتی ہے۔ کیا اگلے انتخابات میں صحت اور تعلیمی سہولیات کا مقابلہ انڈرپاس یا پل یا سڑک سے ہوگا؟ یہ تو کوئی مقابلہ ہے ہی نہیں۔اب دیکھنا یہ ہے کہ عمران باقی ملک تک یہ تاثر کیسے اور کب پھیلاتے ہیں؟
پاکستان یقیناتبدیلی کے عمل سے گزرہاہے۔ یہ تبدیلی انتخابی کامیابی میں کیسے ڈھلے گی؟ کوئی نہیں جانتا ، لیکن سماجی ترقی کے پیمانے بدل رہے ہیں۔ اکثر ایسا ہوتا ہے کہ انتخابات سیاسی تبدیلی کو ظاہر کرتے ہیں لیکن وہ سماجی تبدیلی کے آئینہ دار نہیں بن پاتے۔ ایسی صورت میںبھی عمران خان کو مایوس ہونے کی ضرورت نہیں۔ اُنھوںنے انقلاب لانے کا وعدہ کیا تھا، اس کی طرف پاکستان نے بڑھنا شروع کردیا ہے۔ ایک اوربات، پاکستان یک لخت تبدیلیوںکے لیے نہیں بنا، یہ ہمارا قومی مزاج ہی نہیں۔ ہم دنیاکے تمام اسلامی ممالک سے مختلف ہیں۔ ہمارا سیاسی نظام، ادب، لباس، سپورٹس، موسیقی، فن ، زراعت اور سب سے بڑھ کرعوام کی فطری ذہانت اور محنت کرنے کی سکت بہت سی ترقی یافتہ قوموںسے بہتر ہے۔ بہت دکھ ہوتا ہے بہت سے جغادری صحافیوں کا اس کے سوااور کوئی کام نہیںکہ قوم کو مایوس کرکے اپنی ریٹنگ بناتے رہیں۔ کیا ستم ظریفی ہے کہ مایوسی کا شکار افراد یہاں خود کو انقلابی کہلواتے ہیں۔
Anjum  Niaz ..  dunya. Com

Imran Khan Addresses massive crowd, Sargodha rocked to the tunes of PTI

Sargodha rocked to the tunes of PTI

SARGODHA: Imran Khan led Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) showed muscle in Sargodha on Friday, after a PTI backed candidate defeated Makhdoom Javed Hashmi in Multan by-election, ARY News reported.
Enthusiastic PTI workers with party flags painted on their faces gave an ambitious welcome to PTI leadership.
The public meeting in Sargodha was held after a stampede at PTI’s rally in Multan’s Qasim Bagh, which left seven people dead and scores of others injured.
According to the party sources, the organizers ensured desperate safety measures to avoid any untoward incident.
Stages passes were issued before the rally to the highest leadership while the local leadership of PTI administered arrangements in and outside the Sargodha stadium.
With the capacity of 40,000, the stadium was stuffed with PTI supporters.
Chairman Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, Imran Khan, on the stage, restated that his party would not end sit-in until Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif steps down.
“Pakistan, be ready. Next year is the election year,” said Khan while addressing a mammoth rally in Sargodha.
He said by-poll victory in Multan for PTI-backed candidate is a big lesson for Nawaz and PML-N. People of Multan have given a lesson to Nawaz Sharif and the PPP, he added.
“Only a wise nation could get itself liberated.” He asked people to understand that PTI’s crusade against the government was in fact aimed at the ‘corrupt system’.
Imran referred to PM, saying: “Mr. Nawaz Sharif, making of new KP is underway. Let me remind you it’s our [PTI’s] first term and I challenge you to hold elections in Punjab and we hold in KP. It will make the entire situation clear.”
The PTI chairman said people had understood how PPP was exploiting the name of ‘Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’.
He said inflation, poverty will keep on rising until rulers are questioned and held accountable. He slammed Asif Ali Zardari for not declaring his assets to the nation.
Khan said: “We formulated a law titled ‘Conflict of Interest that stipulates no one can run his business while being in power.”
The PTI chief stressed people to question Nawaz Sharif and his family about their source of income. He claimed that record minimum investment was made in Pakistan, due to policies of the PML-N government.
The Vice Chairman PTI Shah Mehmood Qureshi on the occasion
said that PPP supporters would also chant “Go Nawaz GO” in Karachi rally tomorrow.
Making comment on Multan by-elections, Shah Mehmood said that two wickets fell on a single delivery in NA-149 yesterday. He termed the by-elections as game changer for Pakistani politics.
He further said that Larkana is the next target of Imran Khan and on 21st November, PTI will make way into the rural areas of the Sindh.
Pakistan Awami Muslim League chief Sheikh Rasheed Ahmed said country was being befooled with same rulers taking their turns one after the other.
He said Nawaz Sharif is a politician born in General Headquarters (GHQ), while this is not the case with Imran Khan. “Nawaz was born at gate no.4 of the GHQ,” scoffed Rasheed.
Addressing participants at a PTI rally in Sargodha, Rasheed said he invites Nawaz Sharif for a debate in public.
He claimed that rift had been created within PML-N in Punjab. He asked people of Sargodha to wipe out Nawaz Sharif’s politics from the city.
He asked Nawaz Sharif to explain why he did not he depute a deserving ambassador in Qatar. Why a banker was deployed there, he questioned.
Rasheed said Imran would soon call wheel-jam strike across the country.

PTI’s Next stop: Gujrat


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Rigged Elections-Ex-judge files plea in SC against 2013 polls

As if the continuing sit-in on the Constitution Avenue demanding dissolution of the assemblies were not enough, a former Supreme Court judge has filed a petition in his own institution, seeking a declaration that last year’s general elections were illegal.

The petition was filed on Saturday by a former judge from Bahawalpur, Mahmood Akhter Shahid Siddiqui, through his counsel Mian Allah Nawaz, pleading to order fresh elections. Justice Siddiqui had retired on Oct 3, 2011.

The petitioner also sought a directive to the political parties to exercise their right of protest and free speech in accordance with the law while ensuring peace and tranquillity.

The petition was filed two days after the publication of a damning report by a commission comprising Sheikh Mohammad Tareef, a retired district and sessions judge appointed to examine polling bags and other record of the National Assembly’s constituency NA-125, Lahore, from where Railways Minister Khawaja Saad Rafiq won the elections. The commission found several irregularities in the elections.

Apex court asked to issue orders for fresh elections
The petitioner sought orders to the appropriate authorities to punish after initiating criminal as well as departmental actions the members of the Election Commission and officers who purchased defective ink from the Pakistan Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (PCSIR) laboratories and the National Database and Registration Authority (Nadra) and supplied it to the returning officers and presiding officers for use in polling stations.

The petitioner said the main issue was why ECP members, ROs and POs did not follow the statutory pre-requisites to the election process.

He said he had conducted preliminary investigation by interviewing ECP members and discovered that the commission had deliberately and with hideous intentions not performed its duties laid down in the statutes.

He claimed that the ECP had admitted in a report that the PCSIR and Nadra had submitted three samples of magnetic ink -- one containing chemicals which could retain thumb impressions for a long time, the second effective for over a year and the third that had the capacity to maintain the impressions for not more than five hours.

The ECP spent about Rs2 billion on the preparation and printing of ballot papers from the state exchequer.

The former judge alleged that the ECP members, including the former chief election commissioner, had committed a heinous crime that even Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan had to admit before the National Assembly by acknowledging that more than 30,000 ballot papers were unverifiable in every constituency since the ridges of the thumb impression of voters had spread.

The petition said the ink used was defective and was suicidal to the transparency of the electoral process.

The current situation had arisen out of the acts of misfeasance, malfeasance, omission and commission of totally criminal negligence on part of ECP, the petition said and added that these acts which had plunged the nation into a trauma not known to history of electoral process under the Constitution could not be remedied before any institution, election tribunals or even the ECP.

Since the announcement of the results of the elections, the country had plunged into uncertainty, agitation and violence and the state had almost turned into an oligarchy, it said.

“Thus no remedy under the Constitution or under the law is available to the citizens of the state except the plenary and inherent constitutional jurisdiction of the Supreme Court,” the petition argued.

Published in Dawn, October 5th, 2014

Dismantling the elitist model by Ishrat Husan

THERE are two ways of drawing lessons from the PTI and PAT dharnas and protests. The government may feel it has been so bruised and weakened that it has no courage or conviction left to undertake tough economic and structural reforms. The fear of adverse reactions and protests by those likely to be the losers if reforms are carried out may lull the decision-makers into a state of continued inaction. If the losers happen to be their political allies and supporters the fear may be heightened.

A more charitable expectation could be that the ruling party and other leading political parties have sensed the general mood of dissatisfaction with the prevailing state of affairs and may be galvanised into taking long-postponed decisions and overdue reforms. They may realise that the political cost of not carrying out these reforms is becoming unbearable. These protests and general public sentiment should appeal to the conscience of the political leadership that status quo and business as usual are no longer acceptable.

Having mobilised the support of the opposition parties and forged a united front for the survival of democracy it is only logical that they should together repair and reconstruct the damaged apparatus of governance and the enfeebled institutions of state. After all, democracy cannot be meaningfully implemented in the absence of strong institutions and good governance. As these reforms are of a long-term nature, the consensus and support of the opposition parties are badly needed to neutralise the pressure tactics of those opposing them.

Viewed in this context, the recent appeal filed by the government against the Supreme Court decision in Khawaja Asif’s case is highly disconcerting. As per the decision, an independent commission of experts puts up a panel of three nominees for each post of the chief executive of regulatory and other key state organisations through an open, transparent process. This does not, in any way, take away the powers of the prime minister in making appointments, but facilitates him in choosing from among the panel that has gone through an independently conducted process of screening and scrutiny to determine suitability for the job.

The prime minister has always the power to reject the panel recommended by the commission and to ask them to submit a fresh panel. This process would in fact help strengthen the prime minister’s position as nobody could then accuse him of nepotism, favouritism or choosing a person on the basis of loyalty.

In most cases, the head of the organisation selected on merit through this transparent process would choose his own team on the same consideration. An autonomous board of directors appointed on the same criterion can then hold the chief executive accountable for results. This mechanism, if put in practice faithfully, can turn these key institutions of state around, place them on a sound footing and bring about a difference in their performance.

Imagine, for a moment, if the heads of SECP, CCP, Nepra, Ogra, Pemra, Pakistan Steel, PIA and of Gencos and Discos are selected this way. This would have restored confidence in the sanctity of these organisations, enhanced the latter’s capability and conferred legitimacy on their functioning. By insisting upon the old beaten track of complete centralisation of powers and the exercise of discretion by top decision-makers in making these appointments it is unlikely that these organisations can either achieve capability, legitimacy or efficiency.

Protests and dharnas are a manifestation of deep-rooted frustration with the way the country has been governed for most of its 67 years. It is time that these sources of disenchantment and lack of trust in the state and its institutions are gradually removed. The main goal for every political party should be to bring about a change from the present elitist model of state to one in which the benefits of growth are shared widely. This can only happen if the current process of decision-making dominated by personalisation, discretion and patronage gives way to a more inclusive and consultative process, adherence to rules and checks and balances.

This is easier said than done and would require a great deal of effort, time and perseverance. That is why the coming together of all political parties around this agenda is the first step forward. Responding to the genuine sentiments of the protesters and others who feel the same way, and utilising the present harmonious relations among all major political parties provides an ideal opportunity for initiating this journey.

The reform agenda for such change has to be comprehensive, encompassing the judicial and electoral, parliamentary, civil service, local government, economic and social sectors. In many instances, detailed road maps are available and can be viewed by the cabinet and parliamentary committees. In other cases, work is already under way as on electoral reforms.

For others, new blueprints have to be developed. One of the instruments which has worked well in democracies such as India is the setting up of blue ribbon commissions consisting of experts, practitioners, parliamentarians, civil society and provincial representatives etc. These commissions should be asked to have broad-based consultation with stakeholders including civil society and come up with recommendations and a time-bound action plan. The proceedings of these commissions should be open to the public and media.

The experience so far in Pakistan is that the reports of such commissions have been put in cold storage. The reason? Decision-makers have wanted to continue with the status quo and dare not give up their powers of patronage, privilege and pelf. Decision-makers should in the new and changed circumstances have no other option but to sincerely implement the recommendations after arriving at a consensus with all other political parties.

Let us hope that history will remember that this political crisis was turned into an opportunity for the transformation of Pakistan driven by an enlightened political leadership and a meritocratic, performance-oriented bureaucracy free from political interference.

The writer is the author of The Economy of an Elitist State. Dawn.com

عمران خان کیوں ?Why Imran Khan

ایک اہم سوال جو لکھنے اور تجزیہ کرنے والوں میں گردش کر رہا ہے کہ آخر نوجوانوں ، پڑھے لکھے لوگوں کی ایک بڑی تعداد عمران خان کے گرد کیوںاکٹھی کیوں ہوگئی ہے،؟ اس انقلابی طبقہ میں خوشحال اور متوسط طبقات کے لوگ نمایاں ہیں ، مگر یہ حقیقت ہے کہ نچلے طبقہ کا عام آدمی بھی اس طرف متوجہ ہوچکا ہے۔ تجزیہ کار اپنے اپنے انداز میں اس کی تعبیر وتشریح کر رہے ہیں۔ کسی کے خیال میں یہ عمران کا شخصی کرشمہ ہے تو کچھ لوگوں کے خیال میں خان نے اپنی تقریروں سے لوگوں ، خاص کر نوجوانوں کو ایسا رومانویت آمیز خواب دکھایا ہے کہ وہ اس کی تعبیر پانے کے لئے سرگرم ہوچکے ہیں۔

عمران خان میں بہت سی کمزوریاں اور خامیاں ہیں۔ سیاست میں دو عشرے گزارنے کے باوجود اس میں ایک خاص قسم کی سادگی اور ناپختگی ہے۔ وہ ہمیشہ کچھ زیادہ بول جاتا ہے، اس کی میڈیا ٹیم کو بعد میں سنبھالنے کی کوشش کرنی پڑتی ہے۔

اس کی مشاورت کا نظام زیادہ مضبوط نہیں، اس کے اردگرد موجود لوگوں پر کئی اعتراضا ت کئے جا سکتے ہیں۔عمران خان کی سیاست اور اس کے کئی فیصلوں پر ہم تنقید کرتے ہیں۔

بہرحال حقیقت ہے کہ عمران خان ہماری جدید سیاست کا واحد شخص ہے ،جس نے اس قدر پرزور انداز میں روایتی سیاست اور سٹیٹس کو کے نظام کو للکارا، اسے بھرپور طریقے سے چیلنج کیا۔
پینتالیس سال پہلے ایک اور شخص نے بھی ایسا ہی کیا تھا، جس کا نام ذوالفقار علی بھٹو تھا۔عمران خان بھٹو نہیں ، انہیں بننابھی نہیں چاہیے۔ ہر دور کے اپنے تقاضے ،رواج اور دستور ہوتا ہے۔ بھٹو صاحب کے اپنے مثبت ، منفی نکات تھے،ویسے بھی وہ اپنا دور گزار کر تاریخ کا حصہ بن گئے۔

عمران کو ابھی خاصا سفر طے کرنا ہے، ان کے بارے میں حتمی رائے دینا مورخ کا کام ہے۔

عمران کی دیانت میں کسی کو کوئی شک نہیں اوران کی یہی کریڈیبلٹی ہی ان کی سب سے بڑی طاقت ہے۔لوگ جانتے ہیں کہ یہ شخص روایتی نظام سیاست کا حصہ نہیں اور شائد بن بھی نہ سکے۔

جو لوگ تبدیلی کا سپنا آنکھوں میں سجائے عمران خان کے گرد اکٹھے ہوئے ہیں، انہیں انڈر اسٹیمیٹ نہیں کرنا چاہیے۔ ان میں پڑھے لکھے لوگوں کی اکثریت ہے۔ فعال طبقات سے تعلق رکھنے والے ڈاکٹرز، انجینئرز، سافٹ وئیر ایکسپرٹ، اکائونٹنٹ،آئی ٹی ایکسپرٹ، فنانشل سروسز اور شعبہ تعلیم سے تعلق رکھنے والے ، کاروباری طبقات،فن کار، ڈیزائنرزاور دیگر پروفیشنلز کے ساتھ خواتین اور طلبہ و طالبات ۔
یہ وہ لوگ ہیں، جن کا سیاست سے کوئی تعلق نہیں، اقتدار یا اختیار ان کی توجہ کا مرکز ہے نہ ہی ان کے پاس اتنا وقت کہ وہ سیاست کر سکیں یا بلدیاتی الیکشن لڑ سکیں۔

یہ رائے بھی درست نہیں کہ ان لوگوں کو نظام سے فائدہ ملا ہے۔ سوال تو یہ ہے کہ نظام سے مرادکیا ہے؟ٹھیک ہے، جن لوگوں نے اپنی تعلیم پر توجہ دی، اچھی پیشہ ورانہ ڈگریاں حاصل کیں، انہیں نجی سیکٹر میں اچھی ملازمتیں ملی گئیں، ان کی زندگیوں میں کچھ آسودگی آئی۔زندگی گزارنے کے لئے مگر اچھی ملازمت کافی نہیں۔

وہ سماج میں رہتا، زندگی بسر کرتا، اتارچڑھائو کا سامنا کرتا ہے۔ لااینڈآرڈر کے مسئلے سے اسے روز واسطہ پڑتا ہے۔ اس کا صاف ستھرا لباس اور گاڑی بھی اسے پولیس کے ہاتھوں ذلیل ہونے سے نہیں بچا سکتی۔
کمر توڑ مہنگائی کا نشانہ اسے بھی بننا پڑتا ہے، بیس بیس تیس تیس ہزار کے بل اس کے لئے بھی سوہان روح ہیں، لوڈ شیڈنگ کے ہاتھوں دم توڑتے یوپی ایس اور جنریٹر اسے بھی اس شدید کوفت اور تکلیف سے دوچار کرتے ہیں۔

سب سے بڑھ کر یہ کہ پچھلے دس پندرہ برسوں میں ہمارے ریاستی ادارے ایک ایک کر کے تباہ ہوگئے۔
پولیس کا نظام زیادہ ظالمانہ اور وحشیانہ ہوگیا، پٹواری کی آہنی گرفت ڈھیلی نہیں پڑی۔
ریاست اپنی ذمہ داریوں سے ہاتھ پیچھے کھینچ رہی ہے۔ سرکاری سکول سسٹم مکمل طو رپر ناکام ہوچکا۔
دانش سکولوں کے ڈھکوسلے کسی پڑھے لکھے سمجھدار شخص کو بے وقوف نہیں بنا سکے۔
ہر سال لاکھوں لوگوں کو سرکاری کالجوں میں داخلہ نہیں مل پارہا کہ نئے کالج اور یونیورسٹیاں تعمیر کرنا حکومتوں کی ترجیح نہیںرہی۔
یہی حالت محکمہ صحت کا ہے۔
جس شخص کا کسی بھی سرکاری دفتر سے کبھی واسطہ پڑے ، شدید تذلیل اور ذہنی اذیت لے کر وہ واپس لوٹتا ہے۔

پڑھے لکھے، باشعور لوگ اس بات کو زیادہ محسوس کرتے ہیں۔ وہ سوچتے ہیں کہ ہمارا پڑوسی ملک بھارت کہاں سے کہاں چلا گیا، وہاں قومی تفاخر عروج پر ہے ، جبکہ ہمارے ہاں بھارت کی برابری تو دور کی بات ہے، اس سمت میںسفر شروع بھی نہیں ہو رہا۔

2007ء کی عدلیہ بچائو تحریک نے اس قوم پر ایک بڑا احسان یہ کیا کہ ایسی بحثیں شروع ہوئیں، جن سے عوام میں شعور جاگا ، انہیں احساس ہوا کہ دنیا میں کیا ہو رہا ہے اور ہمیں کن کن چیزوں کی ضرورت ہے؟
اخبارات میں ادارتی صفحات اور کالموں کی ریڈرشپ کئی گنا بڑھ گئی اور سیاسی ٹاک شوز نے بہت کچھ ایکسپوز کر دیا۔ ہماری روایتی سیاسی قوت کا ذہنی افلاس اس نے واضح کر دیا۔

تبدیلی کی خواہش رکھنے والے، اس کے لئے باہر نکلنے والوں سے بے شک اختلاف کیا جائے، کسی کو ان کے اجتماع پسند نہ ہوں تو نہ دیکھے ، مگر خدارا انہیں یہ گالی نہ دیں کہ یہ لوگ اقتدار اور اختیار کے لالچی ہیں، اس میں حصہ چاہتے ہیں۔
یہ ان باغیرت، باشعور، درد دل رکھنے والے لوگوں کی توہین ہے۔اس گالی کا، ایسی توہین کا حق کسی کوحاصل نہیں ۔ یہ زمین کا نمک ہیں۔ان کی قدر کیجئے، تربیت کیجئے، آگہی دیجئے، دلیل کے ساتھ اپنانقطہ نظر سمجھائیے، قائل کیجئے ،مگربراہ کرم تذلیل ، توہین نہ کریں۔
Edited extract from column by Amir Hashim Khakwani.  Dunya.com.pk