Islam and modernism in Pakistan

The idea of ‘Islamic Modernism’ held sway in Pakistan until the mid-1970s but disappeared soon after. In Questioning the Authority of the Past historian Dr Ali Usman Qasimi explains how from 1947 till about the mid-1970s, the state and subsequent governments consciously kept the ulema away from directly influencing government legislation.

Usmani adds that this was not due to the fact that those who ran the state and governments between the mentioned years were secular. Instead, their idea of faith and its role in the formation of Pakistani nationalism was different from those held by the ulema and the clerics.

The civil-military establishment which was at the helm of state and government affairs from 1947 till the early 1970s was an extension of the idea of faith and Muslim nationalism developed and evolved by the likes of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Syed Amir Ali, Chiragh Ali, Ahmaduddin Amritsari, Muhammad Iqbal, Ghulam Ahmad Parvez, Dr Khalifa Abdul Hakim, and to a certain extent, Dr Fazalur Rehman Malik.

These scholars were the main shapers of ‘Islamic Modernism’ in South Asia. As an idea it encouraged the acquirement of universal sciences and philosophies to facilitate a rational, practical and informed reading of Islam’s holy scriptures beyond the ‘dated’ interpretations penned by ancient ulema or contemporary clerics.

From the mid-19th to the mid-20th centuries, these scholars, through hefty scholarly treatises and philosophical discourses, urged the snatching away of matters of faith from the clutches of clerics and ‘dogmatic ulema.’

They advocated addressing the faith’s ‘stagnant’ and ‘retrogressive’ state through modern scholarly, scientific and cultural means so that its ‘true form’ (which was vibrant and supple) could be brought back to life. To them this recouped form was to become the engine empowering the rejuvenation of South Asia’s Muslims into becoming an enlightened and dynamic polity.

The founders of Pakistan led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah were very much a part and parcel of this narrative and of the evolving tradition of Islamic Modernism in South Asia.

For example, just a few months after the country’s creation in August 1947, Jinnah green-lighted the creation of the Institute for the Reconstruction of Islam (IRI) headed by the celebrated Jewish-journalist-turned-Muslim-scholar, Muhammad Asad.


Ishtiaq Ahmad in 1987’s The Concept of Islamic State quotes IRI’s first scholarly initiative as a detailed treatise which suggested that “no specific form of government had been prescribed by Muslim scriptures and it was up to the Muslims of every age to agree on one that suits their conditions.” The report emphasised that no matter what form of government Muslims decide to enact, it needed to be run on one of the central Islamic principles of “socio-economic justice.”

Even though the 1949 Objectives Resolution passed by the Constituent Assembly declared that Pakistan was to become an ‘Islamic Republic’, Usmani reminds his readers that the Resolution did not envision any special authority for the ulema.

In 1950, the government set up the Iqbal Academy whose first initiative was a monograph Iqbal and the Mullah authored by Dr Khalifa Hakim. The monograph pointed out the differences of the idea of faith advocated by Iqbal and those held by the “reactionary clerics.” The monograph was also distributed to the people by the military during its operation against the 1953 anti-Ahmadiyya riots in the Punjab.

The Pakistani nationalist narrative driven by the precepts of Islamic Modernism peaked in the 1960s during the Ayub Khan regime (1958-69). After taking power, he wrote in his diary (segments of which were published in his 1967 autobiography), that to make Islam a force of progress and unity (in Pakistan), it needed to be rescued from the influence of clerics and “retrogressive ulema.”

Though till then the ulema did not have any significant influence on legislative matters, Ayub further neutralised them by bringing all mosques and shrines under state control. This move was suggested and encouraged by Dr Javed Iqbal, the scholar-son of Allama Iqbal.

Then, on the advice of Dr Fazalur Rehman Malik, Ayub also attempted to get a single, government-approved sermon authored for Friday prayers which was to be read in all mosques.

Through some anti-traditionalist legislation and advocacy institutions that were navigated by staunch Islamic Modernists, Ayub continued to frustrate all attempts by ulema and clerics to enter the mainstream of policy formation.

In 1967, the regime launched an ambitious project to “impart modern education to the clerics so they could become more productive members of the society.”

In the late 1960s, with the economy sliding, Ayub began facing severe opposition from right-wing religious groups as well as from the left. In 1969, he was forced out by a largely left-oriented uprising.

The Islamic Modernist narrative lingered on until it began to erode during the Z.A. Bhutto regime’s populist rightward shift in the mid-1970s. It was then entirely discarded by the Zia dictatorship.

The more ulema-centred narrative and paradigm created by Zia lasted beyond his demise in 1988. Presented and legislated as an alternative to the floundering idea of Islamic Modernism, it eventually mutated and became a highly polarising and even anarchic entity, eventually plunging the state and society into an exhaustive quagmire.

One now wonders, would the state of the country have been better today had Islamic Modernism been allowed to evolve beyond the 1970s?

Smokers' corner: Curbing the mullah - By NADEEM F. PARACHA
https://www.dawn.com/news/1329822/smokers-corner-curbing-the-mullah

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Declining Political Role of Religion in the life of people now مذہبیت ، سیکولر ازم اور ترقی

Long shadow of the Enlightenment:

IN a recent survey, more people in the UK ticked the ‘none of the above’ box when asked about their faith than those who chose a belief from all those mentioned. For the first time, more Britons declared themselves to be non-believers than those who asserted their belief in Christianity. This is a significant shift in a country whose official faith is identified with the Church of England. Keep readinng >>>>>

برطانیہ میں کیے گئے ایک حالیہ سروے میں عوام نے دیے گئے تمام آپشنز کو مسترد کرتے ہوئے ''ان میں سے کوئی نہیں ‘‘ کے آپشن پر نشان لگایا۔ اُن سے پوچھا گیا سوال یہ تھا کہ وہ جس عقیدے پر ایمان رکھتے ہیں، اُسے مارک کریں۔ شاید تاریخ میں پہلی مرتبہ ایسا ہوا تھا کہ برطانوی افراد نے خو دکو مسیحی پیروکار ہونے کی بجائے ''بے دین ‘‘ قرار دیا تھا۔ یہ ایک ایسے ملک میں ہونے والی بہت بڑی پیش رفت ہے جس کے سرکاری مذہب کو چرچ آف انگلینڈ کے ساتھ وابستہ کیا گیا تھا۔ 

باعمل عیسائیوں کی تعداد میں کمی کا اظہار اتوار کو ملک بھر کے چرچوں میں خالی نشستوں سے بھی ہوتا ہے ۔ اورچرچ سروس میں شریک ہونے کے لیے آنے والے افراد بھی کسی مذہبی جذبے سے سرشار نہیں ہوتے، وہ محض ایک سماجی رسم نبھانے کے لیے چلے آتے ہیں۔ یہ درست ہے کہ ابھی تک شادیاں ، بچوں کا بپتسمہ اورمرحومین کے جنازے چرچ میں ہی ہوتے ہیں، لیکن یہ بھی حقیقت ہے کہ زیادہ تر پیدا ہونے والے بچوں کے والدین شادی شدہ نہیں ہوتے ۔نیز بہت سے جوڑے مذہبی رسومات کی بجائے سول میرج کو ترجیح دیتے ہیں۔ زیادہ تر جوڑے عمر بھر شادی کے بغیر ساتھ رہتے ہیں اور ''علیحدگی ‘‘ کی صورت میں اُن کے بھی وہی حقوق ہوتے ہیں جو روایتی طو رپر شادی شدہ جوڑوں کے ۔ 

اس سے یہ حقیقت واضح ہوتی ہے کہ برطانیہ بھی مذہب کے دور کو چھوڑ کر آگے بڑھ رہا ہے ۔ یہاں مذہب کا افراد کی روز مرہ 

کی زندگی یا اجتماعی مکالمے میں کوئی کردار نہیں رہا۔ اور یہ تبدیلی صرف برطانیہ میں ہی نہیں، مغربی یورپ اور سکینڈے نیویا کے بہت سے ممالک میں دکھائی دیتی ہے ۔ ایک سروے کے مطابق سویڈن میں، جس میں مسیحی افراد کل آبادی کا 80 فیصد ہیں، صرف 16.5 فیصد افراد نے کہا کہ اُن کی زندگی میں مذہب کا کچھ کردار ہے ۔ فن لینڈ، ناروے اور ڈنمارک میں ہونے والے سروے بھی ایسے ہی نتائج کے حامل ہیں۔ آسٹریلیا، نیوزی لینڈ اور برطانیہ جیسے ممالک میں یکساں رجحان دکھائی دیتا ہے ۔ یہاں نوجوان نسل کی ایک بڑی تعداد خود کو لادین قرار دیتی ہے ۔ تاہم مذہب سے دوری اور چرچ حاضری میں نمایاں کمی کے باوجود ان ممالک میں قانون کا نظام درہم برہم نہیں ہوا ، اور نہ ہی شخصی یا عوامی اخلاقیات میں کوئی کمی دیکھنے میں آئی ۔ بلکہ یورپ کے کچھ ممالک میں حالیہ برسوں میں جرائم اور الکحل کے استعمال میں کمی کی رپورٹس ملی ہیں۔ مندرجہ بالا ممالک ٹرانسپرنسی انٹر نیشنل کی بدعنوان ممالک کی فہرست میں بہت نیچے اور انسانی خوشی کی فہرست میں بہت بلند درجے پر ہیں۔ اس میں حیرت کی کوئی بات نہیں کہ ان ممالک کا جی ڈی پی بہت بلند ہے ؛ چنانچہ ایک بات برملا کہی جاسکتی ہے کہ اس وقت سیکولر ریاستیں دنیا میں ترقی اور خوشحالی کے سفر میں سب سے آگے ہیں۔ 

دوسری طرف وہ ریاستیں ، جو خود کو کسی نہ کسی عقیدے سے وابستہ قرار دیتی ہیں، اُن کا عالمی ترقی میں کوئی درجہ یا کردار نہیں۔ یہ ریاستیں خواہ مسلم ہوں یا ہندو، بدھ یا دیگر انتہا پسندانہ سوچ رکھنے والی، زیادہ تر پسماندہ، غریب ، جاہل اور کثیر آبادی رکھنے والی ہوںگی۔ گزشتہ چند عشروں کے دوران کچھ ایشیائی ریاستوں، جیسا کہ چین ، جاپان اور جنوبی کوریا نے بے پناہ ترقی کی ہے۔ ان میں کوئی ملک بھی متشدانہ نظریات کی آبیاری نہیں کرتا، جرائم کنٹرول میں ہیں اور عوام خوشحال۔ ان میں چین اعلانیہ طور پر خود کو ایک لادین ریاست قرار دیتا ہے ۔ اگرچہ تمام مذہب امن اورعدم تشدد کے داعی ہیں لیکن ستم ظریفی یہ ہے کہ ان مذاہب پر یقین رکھنے والے ان نظریات سے دور دکھائی دیتے ہیں۔ حتیٰ کہ بدھ مذہب کے پیروکار بھی،جنہیں انتہائی پرامن سمجھا جاتا ہے ، پرتشدد کارروائیوں میں ملو ث پائے گئے ہیں۔ سری لنکا میں ہونے والی ہولناک خاجہ جنگی کے دوران بدھ آرمی پر جنگی جرائم کے ارتکاب کا الزام لگا، میانمار میں بدھ راہب روہنگیاکے مسلمانوں کے خلاف وحشیانہ تحریک چلاتے دکھائی دیے، اورتھائی لینڈ کے جنوبی علاقوں میں بدھ فوج علیحدگی پسند مسلمانوں کے خلاف کم درجے کی خانہ جنگی میں مصروف ہے ۔ 

زیادہ تر مسلمان ریاستوں میں مسلمانوں کے ہاتھوں مسلمانوں کا قتل اتنا عام ہے کہ اسے دہرانے کی ضرورت نہیں۔ اگرچہ مسلمان اس بات کو دہراتے نہیں تھکتے کہ اسلام امن کا مذہب ہے لیکن دیگر دنیا اس بات کو تسلیم نہیں کرتی۔ شدت پسندانہ نظریات نے ہی القاعدہ سے لے کر داعش جیسے دہشت گروہوں کو تحریک دی ہے ۔انڈیا میں شدت پسند ہندوقوم پرستی نے معاشرے کو اس طرح جکڑ لیا ہے جس سے گزشتہ کئی صدیوں سے ہندو معاشرہ ناآشنا تھا۔ اس سے پہلے ہندو مذہب ، جو کئی ایک دیوتائوں پر یقین رکھتا ہے ، اپنے عقیدے پر سمجھوتہ کیے بغیر دیگر مذاہب کے لیے لچک رکھتا تھا ، لیکن آج ہندوتوا پر اس بات کا اطلاق نہیں ہوتا۔ آج اس عقیدے پر یقین رکھنے والے لاکھوں پیروکار شدت پسند جنگجو بن کر سامنے آرہے ہیں۔ 

یہ مثالیں سامنے رکھتے ہوئے کیا یہ سوال نہیں پیدا ہوتا کہ آخر سیکولرازم میں کیا حرج ہے ؟کیا مذہب کے نام پر جنونیت سے بھری دنیا میں یہی ایک جائے مفرباقی نہیں بچی؟مختلف نظریات کے ادغام سے وجود میں آنے والی 18ویں صدی کی روشن خیالی ایک سیکولر تصور کی بات کرتی تھی کہ انتہا پسند انہ چرچ کو ریاست سے الگ کردیا جائے ۔ 1789 ء کا امریکی دستور سیکولر ازم کا پہلا رہنما اصول تھا۔ اس کے بعد بہت سی جمہوری ریاستوں نے اس اصول کی اس طرح پیروی کی کہ مذہب کو عوامی زندگی میں کردار ادا کرنے سے روک دیا۔ اس کے نتیجے میں وہ ترقی یافتہ اور خوشحال ہوگئیں۔ آج دنیا ان کی ترقی کو رشک بھری نگاہ سے دیکھتی ہے ۔ ترقی پذیر دنیا میں اسی دوران ایک اور رجحان ابھرا۔ نوآبادیاتی دور اور دوسری جنگ ِ عظیم کے خاتمے کے بعد، جب مغربی طاقتیں واپس چلی گئیں تو آزاد ہونے والی ریاستوں میں جو اشرافیہ اقتدار میں آئی، وہ سیکولر ہی تھی لیکن اس کی بدعنوانی اور ناقص گورننس کی وجہ سے ایک خلا پیدا ہوا اور مذہبی جماعتوں کو اس میں پائوں جمائے کا موقع مل گیا۔ چنانچہ ان ریاستوں میں جیسے جیسے سیکولرازم دم توڑتا گیا، مذہبی انتہا پسندی اپنی جگہ بناتی گئی۔ ان معاشروں میں سیکولر ازم سے نفرت اتنی بڑھی کہ جدید تعلیم ، جدید ریاست کے تصورات اور سائنس اور منطق کو بھی لادینی علم قرار دے کر رد کردیا گیا۔ مختصر یہ کہ عقل اور روشن خیالی کو مغربیت اور رجعت پسندی کو مذہب کی پہچان مانا گیا۔ ہم نے اپنی آنکھوں سے دیکھا کہ ایسا کرنے والی ریاستیں ترقی کی شاہراہ پر چل نکلیں ، جبکہ مذہب کو ریاست کے ساتھ وابستہ کرنے والی ریاستیں بہت پیچھے رہ گئیں

Source: http://dunya.com.pk/index.php/author/irfan-hussain/2016-06-13/15783/66406580#tab2

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Genesis of Terror & Road to Peace

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Madrassas: behind closed doors: By Victor Mallet

Are south Asia’s Islamic schools causing a surge in extremism?

Islamic leaders retort that the whole point of most seminaries is to train scholars and holy men, and ask why schools whose ultra-conservative curricula have been unchanged for centuries are being blamed for modern-day terrorism. They, and academics sceptical about the “factories of terror” rhetoric, also note that only a tiny proportion of Asian Muslims attend madrassas.

Christine Fair, an associate professor at Georgetown University in the US and an expert on Pakistan, delights in debunking misconceptions about the country and its madrassas. Few Pakistanis, she says, actually attend madrassas, and those who do typically only go for a couple of years, while violent extremists are not destitute illiterates but disproportionately well-educated.
Nevertheless, she has concluded that Deobandis are indeed the largest source of violence in the country and that Deobandi madrassas are increasing faster than others. What is more, the latest data collected contradicts earlier conclusions that madrassa attendance is not correlated with terrorism. “They don’t produce terrorists, but what they do is predict support for terrorists,” she says, suggesting that militant parents, including mothers, are more likely to place their children in madrassas. “I’ve had to do a volte-face on this. Just going to a madrassa [means that] you are more disposed to supporting these kinds of groups.”

Before evening prayers in Deoband, one of the students, 19-year-old Mohammed Abu Umamah, cheerfully confronts us outside the marble-paved mosque. He repeats Madani’s message of peace. “Some people in Europe are presenting the wrong image of Islam, insisting that Islam is the religion of terrorism,” he tells us. “But Islam teaches peace and Islam condemns the killing of any person.”
Across the region, however, from the Maldives to central Asia, hundreds of millions of moderate Muslims are increasingly alarmed about the spread of violent extremism in their own societies. Deoband may be preaching the importance of peace, but its mosques and madrassas are where many of the most violent militants spent their formative years, and the schools continue to proliferate. “The number of madrassas [in India] has multiplied four or five times in the last 70 years,” says Madani proudly, “and mosques by 10 times.” The signs are that madrassas will continue to multiply in south Asia for years to come.
Victor Mallet is the FT’s south Asia bureau chief
Photographs: Adeel Halim; Victor Mallet
Read full article: http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/d807f15a-7db0-11e5-98fb-5a6d4728f74e.html#slide0

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Reporting on the future- Justice Munir-Keyani Report

"If there is one thing which has been conclusively demonstrated in this inquiry, it is that provided you can persuade the masses to believe that something they are asked to do is religiously right or enjoined by religion, you can set them to any course of action, regardless of all considerations of discipline, loyalty, decency, morality or civic sense."

Much has been written and debated about the 1954 ‘Munir-Kayani Report’. The hefty report was based on an exhaustive inquiry conducted by the Chief Justice of Pakistan, Mohammad Munir, and a Punjab High Court judge, Rustam Kayani.

The inquiry was first demanded by Shaukat Hayat Khan, a veteran politician and colleague of Pakistan’s founder, Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Hayat had had a falling out with his former associate and Chief Minister of Punjab, Mian Mumtaz Daultana, when, in 1953, violent riots erupted in the Punjab against the Ahmadi community. The riots were largely perpetrated by a group of religious parties demanding the excommunication of the Ahmadis from the fold of mainstream Islam.

Martial Law was proclaimed in the province and the riots were ultimately crushed by the army. The commotion badly shook the centrist Muslim League government.

More than half a decade has gone by, yet the relevance of the 1954 report on anti-Ahmadi riots in Punjab is debatable
Hayat accused the Punjab CM, Mumtaz Daultana, of ‘engineering’ the turmoil in the Punjab to dethrone the then sitting prime minister, Khwaja Nazimuddin. He claimed that Daultana had given the rioters his ‘tacit support.’

Two government ordinances were issued a few months later, ordering a full inquiry into the causes of the disturbances.

Over the decades, the Munir-Kayani Inquiry Report has often been quoted in the on-going debate between the country’s ‘modernist Muslims’ and conservatives. The modernists specifically mention that section of the report which suggests that no two Muslim scholars agree upon even a single aspect of the faith. Each had their own interpretations which they believed were the correct ones.

This finding was penned by the judges after they had interviewed 117 Islamic scholars from all Muslim sects and sub-sects in the country. The conservatives, however, are critical of the report, claiming that it was biased against them and that both the judges had preconceived notions about the ulema and the clergy.

In his book, Religious Exclusion in Pakistan, professor of history and author, Ali Usman Qasmi, writes that more than being just an inquiry into the 1953 disturbances, the extensive report actually took the shape of becoming an elaborate mediation on the evolution of Muslim nationalism and ‘modernist Islam’ in South Asia.

The report remarked that Muslim nationalism (upon which Jinnah’s Pakistan came into being) was a moderate and modern entity which was being challenged by those trying to raise a ‘religious Leviathan’ (totalitarian state) based on an intransigent and rigid understanding of the faith.

Twenty-five years later, Justice Munir, in his 1979 book, From Jinnah to Zia, wrote that his (and Kayani’s) report had predicted a situation such as the one Pakistan faced when a general pulled off a military coup in July 1977 (Zia), and began to shape a more rigid and myopic regime and society.

Opponents of the report claim that, in 1953, the judges were influenced by the government to ‘implicate the ulema’ by already ‘painting them in a bad light’ before the inquiry.

By this the critics of the report mean an incident which Ali Usman also details in his book: Right after the military crushed the rioting, famous Islamic scholar, Khalifa Abdul Hakim, penned a pamphlet titled, Iqbal & Mullahism.

An authority on Islamic texts and also on the writings of South Asian poet-philosopher, Mohammad Iqbal (d. 1938), Khalifa used verses from some of Iqbal’s poems and quoted Iqbal’s scholarly opinions on the clergy to suggest that the views of the clergy and many of the ulema were contrary to the understanding of the faith of Pakistan’s founders.

The government published 5,000 copies of the pamphlet and then another 4,500, including an Urdu translation of the text. It then distributed them free of cost across the Punjab.

Justice Munir was born into an affluent family in Hoshiarpur. After bagging a degree in Economics from college, he passed the bar exam and became a successful lawyer. In 1943, he became a judge of the Lahore High Court. He was well liked by Jinnah.

In 1954 he was elevated to the position of chief justice of Pakistan. Munir was a sophisticated, well-read and calm man. In 1958, he went on to back the military coup of Ayub Khan and partially influenced Ayub’s public disposition as a ‘moderate and modernist Muslim’.

Justice Kayani on the other hand, was born in a village near Kohat. After his initial schooling at a village school, he was sent to Lahore by his father to further his studies at a college. He did well there and got accepted into the civil service. He then won a scholarship to study at the prestigious Cambridge University in the UK. On his return, he joined law and became part of the judiciary.

Kayani was well-versed in English, Persian, Pashto, Punjabi and Urdu, and was a practicing Muslim. Ali Usman informs that though he was regular in his prayers and read the holy book every morning before going to court, he was vehemently against the mixing of religion with politics. In the 1960s, Kayani and Munir drifted apart when, unlike Munir, Kayani opposed the Ayub dictatorship.

Their report’s relevance went beyond Pakistan. For example, in an era when Muslim nationalists in most Muslim-majority countries were aggressively trying to merge the concept of their respective nationalisms with modernity, the Munir-Kayani Report was requested by and ended up (to be studied) in Iran (during the Shah regime), Turkey and Egypt (during the Arab nationalist government of Gamal Abdel Nasser).

Many of its exponents today believe that in this day and age when Pakistan is embroiled in an ‘existentialist battle’ against extremism, the report is now even more relevant than ever. Its critics continue to disagree.

By Nadeem F Piracha Dawn: http://www.dawn.com/news/1242056

Related:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Punjab_Disturbances_Court_Of_Inquiry

Genesis of Terror & Road to Peace

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Radicalisation of Youth and Terrorism

Nelson’s paper had originally appeared in 2009. It was one of the first academic attempts to suggest that the universal narrative and understanding of the rise of religious extremism in Muslim countries as being something entirely linked to the fall-out of madressah education, poverty and illiteracy, was just one aspect triggering the radicalisation of large sections of Muslim societies, especially in developing countries.

Nelson warned that this was a somewhat myopic mode of understanding the thorny phenomenon of religious extremism in these countries, because his research (of various private and public-sector universities of Pakistan and Bangladesh), had produced certain findings, signifying that those trying to comprehend the issue of religious extremism might be being a tad too simplistic in their approach.

Though agreeing that many madressahs in Pakistan and Bangladesh (ever since the 1980s) have played a role in molding militant mindsets, Nelson’s research concluded that the understanding needed to be stretched beyond the confines of madressahs.

Today, as Pakistan stands reeling from the shock of watching perfectly ‘normal’ and educated middle-class students and professionals being arrested for their alleged involvement in a number of gruesome acts of terror (in the name of faith), Nelson, in his 2009 paper, was advising experts to turn their attention towards this segment of society.

Then, the mushrooming of private universities undermined the importance public-sector universities had once enjoyed. The private universities kept conventional student outfits out. But, as Nelson observes, the administrations of most of these universities did not discourage the entry of religious groups who were (till the 1990s) completely absent from public-sector campuses.

The new groups were largely evangelical in nature. When in 2008, I was conducting research (for a paper on the historical evolution of student politics in Pakistan), I heard various lecturers and administrators of private universities in Karachi and Lahore suggest that the evangelical groups were apolitical and good for the ‘spiritual nourishment’ of the students.

It cannot be out-rightly proposed that the presence on campuses of such evangelical groups is the main reason behind the conservative nature of the two post-90s’ generations of Pakistani college and university students.

But when this presence is coupled with the proliferation of the myopic ideological narrative developed by the state (from the late 1970s onwards), along with the constant attacks ideas such as democracy face in the populist media, it becomes easier to figure out just why the last two generations of college and university students in Pakistan have been so conservative.

The blurring of the line that separates evangelical groups from the more clandestine and violent ones. Nelson’s concern was that universities in this region just might end up becoming recruiting grounds for those bent on committing and facilitating violence in the name of faith. He observed that they might be looking for young men and women who were a far cry from the archetypal madressah students.

Nelson concluded that the rise of extremism (in South Asia) should now be understood as something that has gone ‘beyond the madressah’. He insisted that the conventional idea which stated that acts of religious terror are only extensions of economic deprivation, should now take second place. The focus should be on the more problematic phenomenon of well-to-do, urban middle-classes being radicalised by environments constructed by the administrations of universities who are (willingly or otherwise) unable to comprehend that the evangelical groups just might be generating more notorious byproducts.

Ironically, these environments were proudly created (by facilitating evangelical groups) as a way to keep away the violence of conventional student politics. But as we have now seen, this environment has uncannily begun to produce violence of a completely different, and even more worrisome, nature.

It is blurring the line between demonstrations of piety and sheer terror by men and women who are supposed to be seen as sophisticated models of intellectual enlightenment, ideological refinement and professional success.
By Nadeem F Paracha [ Extracts from http://www.dawn.com/news/1228719 ]

Related:

Genesis of Terror & Road to Peace

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Jews & Christian Extremists Justify Killing others

Islamophobes like Robert Spencer and Pamela Geller claim that Islam is more violent than other religions, particularly Judaism and Christianity.  To prove this, they argue that the Islamic holy book, the Islamic prophet, and the Islamic God are all uniquely violent–certainly more so than their Judeo-Christian counterparts.

We proved these claims completely bunk by showing the Bible to be far more violent than the Quran,the Biblical prophets to be far more violent than the Prophet Muhammad, and Yahweh of the Bible to be far more violent than Allah of the Quran.  (See parts 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6-i, 6-ii, 6-iii, 6-iv, 7, 8, 9-i, and 9-iiof LoonWatch’s Understanding Jihad Series.)

Instead of defending their initial claim (which they simply cannot), the Islamophobes quickly shift gears and rely on a fallback argument: they argue that “the Bible doesn’t actively exhort its believers to commit acts of violence, unlike the Quran.”  I refuted this argument in part 6 (see 6-i, 6-ii, 6-iii, 6-iv) in an article entitled The Bible’s Prescriptive, Open-Ended, and Universal Commandments to Wage Holy War and Enslave Infidels. Keep reading 》》》
https://islamphobia.wordpress.com/2011/10/18/jewish-law-justify-killing-civilians/

Pakistan corruption- Agenda 2015: Security and economy

Pakistan is at war with insurgent forces led by the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The TTP’s war objective is to take over political control of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The TTP’s signature weapon is fear. The TTP’s military strategy is unconventional – fidayeen attacks, suicide attacks and bomb blasts. The TTP’s military goals are: to isolate Pakistan; to mutilate governance and then gain complete control over each and every kilometre of 796,095 sq kilometres we call Pakistan.
Insurgent force: The TTP is dependent on three factors – a geographical safe haven, a financial pipeline and supply of manpower.

Counter-insurgency: Pakistan Army’s XI Corps is the counter-insurgent force fighting to establish Pakistan’s writ over each and every kilometre of 796,095 sq kms we call Pakistan. XI Corps’ military objectives are: to disrupt, dismantle and destroy the TTP.

Counter-insurgency implementation: XI Corps is responsible for ‘clearing’ each and every TTP-held geographical safe haven. The federal government is responsible for shutting down the TTP’s financial pipeline. The federal government is responsible for cutting of the TTP’s supply of manpower. Counter-insurgency is, therefore, 33 percent military and 66 percent civil.

Economy: Economic power is one of the most critical elements of national power. Pakistan’s economic security depends on at least six factors: energy security, national debt, economic equality, human capital, industrial production growth and the right priorities.

Energy security: In 2015, Pakistan will lose around Rs700 billion of GDP because of power outages (that is the equivalent of our annual defence budget). In 2015, Pakistan will lose around Rs300 billion in line losses (that is the equivalent of what the entire army spends in a year). For the record, Pakistan’s installed capacity stands at 23,040MW but in 2015 Pakistan will produce an average of 11,000MW per day. To be certain, power outages are not because of lack of generation capacity but because of lack of governance.

National debt: On August 18, 2008, the day President Musharraf resigned, per capita debt stood at Rs40,000. On September 8, 2013, the day President Zardari resigned, per capita debt stood at Rs80,000 (we took on more debt in five years than we had done in the preceding 60 years). As of the last day of December 2014, per capita debt was recorded at Rs103,000. If the trend persists, per capita debt will cross Rs200,000 by 2018.

Economic inequality: Over the past 10 years, an estimated 90 percent of the wealth generated in Pakistan has gone into the coffers of the top two percent of the population. The income and asset gap between rich and poor continues to widen by the hour; the rich are getting richer, the poor poorer. The economy is getting more and more cartelised and the cartels are becoming more and more powerful – the power cartel, the oil cartel, the sugar cartel, the cement cartel, the banking cartel and the land mafia. One, there is an inverse link between income inequality and social cohesion. Two, crime rate and income inequality are correlated.

Human capital: Pakistan’s ranking in the Human Development Index is at 146th position out of 187 countries. India and Bangladesh are ranked at 135th and 142nd, respectively.

Industrial growth: Pakistan’s industrial growth rate peaked at 13 percent in 2004. In 2009, it turned negative and has since hovered around three percent.

Priorities: Rs260 billion for Hyderabad-Sukkur motorway. Rs44 billion for the Rawalpindi-Islamabad metrobus. Rs15 billion for Operation Zarb-e-Azb. Rs0 for the National Action Plan.

Conclusion 1: Counter-insurgency is a civil-military effort; 33 percent military and 66 percent civil. Conclusion 2: Economic security is the grossly neglected dimension of Pakistan’s national security. Conclusion 3: Pakistan’s energy security is a governance issue. Conclusion 4: Our economic priorities are all messed up.

By Furrukh Saleem
thenews.com.pk

Agenda 2015: Security and economy. Background:
The writer is a columnist based in Islamabad. Email: [email protected] Twitter: @saleemfarrukh

Insecurities and ghettoisation

THE continuing trend of people being killed in Pakistan by infuriated mobs reveals that there is some serious problem with our society and social behaviour. Lynching can neither be allowed nor justified irrespective of who does it.

The killing of two citizens by a protesting mob on the suspicion of the former’s link to the terrorist attacks on two churches in Lahore was a symptom of stress disorder. The horrific act carried out by non-Muslim protesters surprised many and annoyed certain segments of the Muslim majority — particularly those who deal in the hate business.

People are hardly able to show restraint when they feel their sense of individual or collective identity is being threatened. Such situations can turn mobs violent. The prevailing environment of insecurity and violence is exposing the fault lines that exist in the country.

Sectarian and communal violence, which manifests itself in the form of faith-based discrimination and violence against individuals, worship places and religious symbols of other sects and faiths, is among the foremost critical challenges affecting Pakistan’s security, stability and social harmony.

The challenges that non-Muslims face in Pakistan are by no means identical either in nature or intensity. However, while some religious minorities are more vulnerable than others and the threats are greater in some parts of the country compared to others, the overall situation of religious minorities has worsened across the country in general in recent years.

A sense of insecurity encourages non-Muslims to live in ghettos.
Apart from sectarian and faith-based attacks and targeted killings by violent sectarian and militant groups, sectarian and faith-based discrimination is also increasingly penetrating individuals’ attitudes and behaviour in Pakistan.

The growing intolerance towards other sects and faiths at the societal level and exploitation of people’s religious sentiments by the clergy in Pakistan has often manifested itself in the form of mob attacks carried out by Muslims on minorities, such as the Gojra killings in 2009 and attacks on Christians in Lahore’s Joseph Colony in March 2013, as well as sectarian and communal clashes.

Other major incidents include the clash between Christian and Muslim communities in Gujranwala in 2012, and Shia-Sunni clashes in Rawalpindi in 2013 that triggered sectarian violence in other cities.

The constant shadow of fear makes people behave ‘fearlessly’. Many experts and social scientists think that such insecurity leads crowds to believe in a sort of oneness, which shapes their collective actions. In that perspective, this phenomenon cannot be confined to certain communities. There are a few other factors which shape behaviours at times of crisis.

The lynching of two Muslims happened in a big Christian ghetto in Lahore, which also indicates that a typical ghetto mentality built around fear and insecurity may have triggered the violent reaction. Strangely, the phenomenon of ghettoisation is not only confined to poor religious and sectarian minorities in Pakistan; religious and social elites also prefer to live in their ghettos. Their luxurious housing societies have no comparison with the lower-middle classes’ ghettos and the slums of the poor.

The phenomenon not only highlights the economic and social disparities in society but also indicates increasing segregation on the basis of exclusiveness and fear of each other. The phenomenon is not merely linked to urbanisation but also shapes critical behaviour and thinking patterns among religious and sectarian minorities.

A recent survey-based study of the lives of religious minorities in Pakistan and their relationship with the followers of other faiths reveals that non-Muslims feel threatened by the overall deteriorating security situation countrywide.

Also, they believe that they are not part of the larger social and cultural mainstream. The sense of insecurity encourages them to live in ghettos; this may provide them a sense of community and some comfort of social interface, but such solutions only trigger more insecurity. The sense of exclusiveness and insecurity gives rise to reactionary behaviour which assumes that hard reactions can provide some deterrence against multiple kinds of bigotry.

The link between ghettos and insecurity also indicates increasing mistrust among different socio-religious communities in Pakistan. A critical dimension of the increasing ghettoisation are the housing societies launched by religious and militant groups. These have become a major source of building organisational assets for them.

Such projects also help them establish their turf and support base in a specific area, usually in walled-off communities, where they aspire to live according to their beliefs, something they claim is denied to them outside their residential projects.

Residence or acquisition of property in these projects is not open to all; it is usually by invitation only. The number of such projects is on the rise across the country.

According to media reports, in Lahore alone there are at least 12 such schemes. Various religious sects and parties have launched housing schemes in the city with residence rights reserved for members of the sect or party alone. Jamaatud Dawa’s Markaz in Muridke, Tanzeemul Akhwan’s Owassia Housing Society, and Al-Maymar Trust’s sponsored housing schemes in Karachi and Lahore are a few examples. These projects house the party secretariats while serving as residential societies.

A look at the patterns of irregular settlements in and around the urban centres reveals how these contribute to sectarian and communal tensions. The slums — mainly containing Christian residents — were located outside the cities of Punjab. But during the last two decades the expansion of the cities has made these settlements more lucrative for the land mafia. In many cases, such elements triggered communal tensions to pressurise the non-Muslims in order to grab their lands.

This highlights the state’s failure in providing housing to the common man, which has resulted in grave sociopolitical consequences. The lack of urbanisation policies and regulation of slums and ghettos is another issue which the state is guilty of. Ironically, it does not realise the impact of its poor urban policies.

Ghettoisation of different kinds has become one of the major hurdles in the way of social cohesion and harmony in the country. This has a trickle-down effect in times of increasing insecurity in society.
Insecurities and ghettoisation
by Muhammad Amir Rana, dawn.com
The writer is a security analyst.

جنید جمشید , غور طلب نقاط : Junaid Jamshed & blasphemy allegation, some considerations

 وَلَا تَقْتُلُوا النَّفْسَ الَّتِي حَرَّمَ اللَّـهُ إِلَّا بِالْحَقِّ

اور کسی جان کو جس کا مارنا اللہ نے حرام کردیا ہے ہرگز ناحق قتل نہ کرنا

You shall not kill any person - for GOD has made life sacred - except in the course of justice(Quran;17:33)

وَمَن يَقْتُلْ مُؤْمِنًا مُّتَعَمِّدًا فَجَزَاؤُهُ جَهَنَّمُ خَالِدًا فِيهَا وَغَضِبَ اللَّـهُ عَلَيْهِ وَلَعَنَهُ وَأَعَدَّ لَهُ عَذَابًا عَظِيمًا

اور جو شخص کسی مسلمان کو قصداً قتل کرے تو اس کی سزا دوزخ ہے کہ مدتوں اس میں رہے گا اور اس پر اللہ غضبناک ہوگا اور اس پر لعنت کرے گا اور اس نے اس کے لئے زبردست عذاب تیار کر رکھا ہے

And whoso slays a believer intentionally, his reward shall be Hell wherein he shall abide. And ALLAH shall be wroth with him and shall curse him and shall prepare for him a great punishment.(Quran;4:93)

جس نے کسی انسان کو خون کے بدلے یا زمین میں فساد پھیلانے کے سوا کسی اور وجہ سے قتل کیا اس نے گویا تمام انسانوں کو قتل کر دیا اور جس نے کسی کی جان بچائی اُس نے گویا تمام انسانوں کو زندگی بخش دی" 

(5: 31 سورة المائدة)

وَمَن يَقْتُلْ مُؤْمِنًا مُّتَعَمِّدًا فَجَزَاؤُهُ جَهَنَّمُ خَالِدًا فِيهَا وَغَضِبَ اللَّـهُ عَلَيْهِ وَلَعَنَهُ وَأَعَدَّ لَهُ عَذَابًا عَظِيمًا

اور جو شخص کسی مسلمان کو قصداً قتل کرے تو اس کی سزا دوزخ ہے کہ مدتوں اس میں رہے گا اور اس پر اللہ غضبناک ہوگا اور اس پر لعنت کرے گا اور اس نے اس کے لئے زبردست عذاب تیار کر رکھا ہے

And whoso slays a believer intentionally, his reward shall be Hell wherein he shall abide. And ALLAH shall be wroth with him and shall curse him and shall prepare for him a great punishment.(Quran;4:93)

مسروق نے عبد الله سے روا یت کیا کہ رسول الله صل الله وسلم نے فرمایا (مفھوم):

  :  مسلمان جو گواھی دیتا ہے کہ  الله کے سوا عباد ت کے لائق کوئی نہیں  اور میں (محمد ) الله کا رسول ہوں اس کا خون (قتتل) حرام ہے  سواے تین وجہ کے ، خون کے بدلے خون ، شادی شدہ شخص جو زنا کرتا ہے ، اور جود ین ، امت کو چھوڑ دیتا ہے ."  یہ روایت صحیح مسلم ، ابو داوود ، مسند احمد ، میں ہے دوسرے صحابہ سیدہ عائشہ راضی الله ، عبدللہ بن مسعود ، عثمان بن عفان سے منقول ہے .
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

جنید جمشید ایک مخلص مسلمان ہے جس نے سترہ برس قبل  شو بز کے عروج پر  گانا چھوڑ کر اسلام ، دعوه اور تبلیغ کا مشکل کم اختیار کیا . یہ ایک بہت بڑی تبدیلی ہے . ایک متنزاع ٹیپ میں وہ دو احادیث کی روشنی میں یہ بیان کرنے کی کوشش کر رہا تھا کے عورت کی فطرت مختلف ٹیڑھی ہے ، اس کو احتیاط سے ہینڈل کرنا چاہیے . جوشی خطبات میں وہ ام المومنین حضرت عائشہ رضی الله کی شان کے مطابق الفاظ کا انتخاب نہ کر سکا یہ اس کے بیان کی نہ اہلی اور کمی ہے ، یقیننن کوئی مسلمان  ام المومنین کی شان میں گستاخی کا تصویر بھی نہیں کر سکتا خاص کر جو مذھبی اور تبلیغی ہو . جنید جمشید نے اس کوتاہی پر معافی مانگی ہے اور ندامت کا اظہر کیا ہے .

ایک شخس عالم ہے وہ مقدس کتب کو پڑھتا ہے اور اوپر رکھتا ہے . پھر  اوپر سے مقدس کتاب اتارتے ھوے پھسل جاتا ہے مقدس کتاب زمین پر پاؤں کے پاس گر جاتی ہے . وہ فوری طور پر کتاب کو اٹھاتا ہے چومتا ہے سر آنکھوں پر رکھتا ہے ، الله سے معافی مانگتا ہے ، نوافل ادا کرتا ہے ، صدقہ دیتا ہے ، سخت پریشان ،  شرمندہ ہے . 

ایک دوسرا شخص اسلام دشمن ہے وہ مقدس کتاب کو جن بوجھ کر پھینکتا ہے ، توہین کرتا ہے اور اپنے اس مکروہ عمل پر نہ شرمندہ ہے بلکہ فخر کرتا ہے ، تشہیر کرتا ہے  مذاق اڑاتا ہے .

کیا پہلا اور  دوسرا شخص برابر ہیں ؟ 

نہیں بھول چوک الله معاف کرتا ہے مگر جان بوجھ کر گناہ کرنا ، پھر اس پر فخر کرے والا  معافی کا مستحق نہیں . یہ انصاف کے خلاف ہے .

Junaid Jamshed still has negotiated forgiveness... 

ام المومنین حضرت عائشہ رضی الله پر تہمت ، بہتان کا واقع 'افک'  اور قرآن سورہ النور میں ان کی معصومیت کا بیان سب مسلمان جانتے ہیں . واقع کی تفصیل صحیح بخاری 5:59:462، صحیح مسلم  37:6673 میں موجود ہے . بہتان تراشی پر مجرموں کو ٨٠ کوڑوں کی سزا دی گیی جو کہ بہتان کی سزا ہے. 

افک کے بہتان عظیم میں حضرت ابو بکر صد یق کے ایک غریب عزیز بھی شامل تھے جن کی وہ مالی امداد کرتے تھے . حضرت عائشہ فرماتی ہیں کہ   جب اللہ تعالیٰ نے میری برأت نازل فرما دی تو حضرت ابو بکر نے قسم کھا لی کہ وہ آئندہ کے لیے مسطح بن اُثاثہ کی مدد سے ہاتھ کھینچ لیں گے ، کیونکہ انہوں نے نہ 

رشتہ داری کا کوئی لحاظ کیا اور نہ ان احسانات ہی کی کچھ شرم کی جو وہ ساری عمر ان پر اور ان کے خاندان پر کرتے رہے تھے۔ اس پر یہ آیت نازل ہوئی:

" تم میں سے جو لوگ صاحب فضل اور صاحب مقدرت ہیں وہ اس بات کی قسم نہ کھا بیٹھیں کہ اپنے رشتہ دار، مسکین اور مہاجر فی سبیل اللہ لوگوں کی مدد نہ کریں گے انہیں معاف کر دینا چاہیے اور درگزر کرنا چاہیے کیا تم نہیں چاہتے کہ اللہ تمہیں معاف کرے؟ اور اللہ کی صفت یہ ہے کہ وہ غفور اور رحیم ہے "

(٢٤:٢٢)

 اور اس کو سنتے ہی حضرت ابو بکر نے فوراً کہا :بلیٰ واللہ انانحب ان تغفرلنا یا ربنا، ’’واللہ ضرور ہم چاہتے ہیں کہ اے ہمارے رب تو ہماری خطائیں معاف فرمائے ‘‘۔ چنانچہ آپ نے پھر مسطح کی مدد شروع کر دی اور پہلے سے زیادہ ان پر احسان کرنے لگے۔ حضرت عبد اللہ بن عباس کی روایت ہے کہ یہ قسم حضرت ابو بکر کے علاوہ بعض اور صحابہ نے بھی کھالی تھی کہ جن جن لوگوں نے اس بہتان میں حصہ لیا ہے ان کی وہ کوئی مدد نہ کریں گے۔ اس آیت کے نزول کے بعد ان سب نے اپنے عہد سے رجوع کر لیا۔ اس طرح وہ تلخی آناً فاناً دور ہو گئی جو اس فتنے نے پھیلا دی تھی۔ 

جنید جمشید کی نا دانستہ کوتاہی کو  مدینہ کے بہتان تراش منافقین یا ملعون  سلمان رشدی جیسے شا تم رسول ، گستاخ اہل بیت کے ساتھ تشبیہ دینا شائد مناسب نہ ہو .  ملعون و سلمان رشدی اور اس جیسے لوگ جان بوجھ کر شان رسول پر گستاخی کرتے ہیں ، اس کو دہراتے ہیں اور فخر محسوس کرتے ہینن ، ایسے لوگ لازمی طور پر قا نوں شریعت  کے مطابق  سخت سزا کے مستحق ہیں . 

جنید جمشید  ایک راسخ العقیدہ مسلمان ہے جو اپنی نادستہ غلطی کوتاہی  پر  شرمندہ ہے . علماء اکرام سے درخواست ہے کہ اس معاملے کا اس تناظر میں جائزہ لیں .  

آپ درگزر کو اختیار کریں نیک کام کی تعلیم دیں اور جاہلوں سے ایک کناره ہو جائیں (٧:١٩٩) 

اللہ اُن لوگوں کے ساتھ ہے جو تقویٰ سے کام لیتے ہیں اور احسان پر عمل کرتے ہیں (١٦:١٢٨)

اے لوگو جو ایمان لائے ہو! اللہ کی خاطر راستی پر قائم رہنے والے اور انصاف کی گواہی دینے والے بنو کسی 

گروہ کی دشمنی تم کو اتنا مشتعل نہ کر دے کہ انصاف سے پھر جاؤ عدل کرو، یہ خدا ترسی سے زیادہ مناسبت رکھتا ہے اللہ سے ڈر کر کام کرتے رہو، جو کچھ تم کرتے ہو اللہ اُس سے پوری طرح باخبر ہے (

٥:٨)

اور اے نبیؐ، نیکی اور بدی یکساں نہیں ہیں تم بدی کو اُس نیکی سے دفع کرو جو بہترین ہو تم دیکھو گے کہ

 تمہارے ساتھ جس کی عداوت پڑی ہوئی تھی وہ جگری دوست بن گیا ہے (٤١:٣٤)

 اور اگر تم لوگ بدلہ لو تو بس اسی قدر لے لو جس قدر تم پر زیادتی کی گئی ہو لیکن اگر تم صبر کرو تو یقیناً 

یہ صبر کرنے والوں ہی کے حق میں بہتر ہے (١٦:١٢٦)

نوٹ : نہ تو میں عا لم ہوں اور نہ مفتی ، صرف عام مسلمان د ین کا ا د نا طالب علم  جوعلم،   ناقص سمجھ 
میں آیا لکھ  دیا اب یہ علماء کرام اور مفتیان د ین کا کا م ہے کے اپنی را ے دیں  تاکہ عوام سمجھ سکیں اور عدالت قانون کے مطابق فیصلہ کرینن . عوام کو چاہے صبر کریں قانون کو ہاتھ میں نہ لیں فساد سے اللّہ کی پناه ما نگیں .

Junaid Jamshaid was a top pop star, 17 years ago at the peak of his career he left the glamorous world of music to become an evangelic Tablighi Islamic preacher. Recently in a TV show while emphasizing the different nature of women he quoted two Hadiths, one related with the Mother of Believers Hazrat Aisha [may Allah be pleased with her]. During the narration he was casual, not using appropriate words   as is expected from  a Muslim. Lack of suitable words for the most dignified and honorable wife of the Prophet (pbuh) hurt the feelings of Muslims.

In the video, he appears to make negative remarks about Hazrat Aisha [may Allah be pleased with her], the youngest wife of Islam’s Prophet, to make a broader point about women’s alleged inherent flaw of seeking attention. The video quickly went viral over the weekend and led to the police case. Such lapse is not expected form a preacher like him. He has realized his mistake and seeks forgiveness from Allah and fellow Muslims. 

Jamshed, released a video on Facebook in which he admitted he had erred and pleaded emotionally for forgiveness. “This is my mistake and it happened because of my ignorance and lack of knowledge and I seek forgiveness from the Muslim world,” he said. “I request my brothers to forgive me and I am thankful to them for pointing out my mistake, it happened unintentionally and I seek forgiveness from Allah.”

Some opponents say,  Jamshed’s apology was irrelevant. “How can we pardon a person who has committed blasphemy? Junaid’s apology must be examined by prominent religious scholars, who will then determine how the issue can be sorted within the parameters of Islam.” But Mufti Naeam opines that after apology, the chapter should close. [http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x2bnblm_mufti-naeem-about-junaid-jamshed-clarification_news ]

It may be kept in view that this was not deliberate blasphemy  like Salman Rushdi who planned such blasphemy and persist. People like Salman Rushdi should be punished according to Sharia law, however pious preacher like Junaid Jamshed deserve considerations by scholars due to ignorance, acceptance of error and repentance.

Slander on Hadrat Aisha (R.A):

The most heinous slander was levied against Hazrat Aisha (R.A). Rumors were spread, particularly by Abd-Allah ibn Ubayy, Hassan ibn Thabit, Mistah ibn Uthatha and Hammanah bint Jahsh (sister of Umulmomineen Zaynab bint Jahsh, R.A, another wife of Prophet Muhammad, pbuh). Usama ibn Zayd, son of Zayd ibn Harithah, defended her reputation, while Hazrat Ali (R.A) recommended that Prophet (pbuh) divorce her. Allah sent a revelation confirming her innocence and rebuke the Muslims:

لولا إذ سمعتموه ظن المؤمنون والمؤمنات بأنفسهم خيرا وقالوا هذا إفك مبين

“Why did Muslim males and females not think good in their hearts and immediately said, “This is clear falsehood?” – [Surah Nur,24, Verse 12, more in verses 11-25]

The accusers were subjected to punishments of 80 lashes for slandering, but not for blasphemy of Ahl al-Bayt.[Ibn Hisham, ibid, Vol. 3, p. 315; Ahmad Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, Vol. 6, p. 35]

The story of slander is narrated by Hadrat Aisha (R.A) in this Sahih Al-Bukhari Hadith 5.462.

http://www.questionsonislam.com/article/incident-ifk

The emphasis by Quran is on restraint and forgiveness :

Researchers have identified more than fifty-seven verses having a direct bearing on the subject and more than 250 others which emphasize forgiveness, forbearance and compassion, here are some: [http://corpus.quran.com/search.jsp?q=forgive ]

"When ye hear the signs of Allah held in defiance and ridicule, ye are not to sit with them unless they turn to a different theme." [Qur'an 4:140]

"And when they hear vain talk, they turn away therefrom and say: "to us our deeds and to you yours; peace be to you." [Qur'an 28: 55]

"Hold to forgiveness, command what is right; but turn away from the ignorant." [Qur'an 7:199]

"Have patience with what they say, and leaves them with noble (dignity)." [Qur'an 73:10]

"And the servants of Allah . . . are those who walked on the earth in humility, and when the ignorant address them, they say 'Peace'" [Qur'an 25:63]

"Allah is with those who restrain themselves." [Qur'an 16: 128]

"Believers, be steadfast for the sake of Allah in pursuing justice and let not the enmity of a nation dissuade you from being fair; be fair, that is the closest to piety. And fear Allah; indeed Allah knows what you do" [Qur'an; 5:8]

". . . But they uttered blasphemy . . . if they repent, it will be best for them, but if they turn back, Allah will punish them." [Qur'an 9:47]

 "Listen, good behaviour can't be the same as the bad one. So repel (bad behaviour) with an attitude that is good, and what you will find is that, as a result, the one with whom you had enmity has become your bosom friend. And this (behaviour) can't emerge from anyone except those who are patient; and this (behaviour) can't emerge from anyone except those who are most fortunate. And if Satan whispers into your heart (something to dissuade from it) then seek refuge in God; indeed He is All-Hearing, All-Knowing."[Qur'an; 41:34-36]

The Qur'an set strict limits on punishment for crime. 

"And if you punished, let your punishment be proportionate to the wrong that has been done to you; but if you show patience, that is indeed the best course. [Qur'an 16:126]

"The recompense for an injury is an injury equal thereto: but if a person forgets and makes reconciliation, his reward is due from Allah." [Qur'an 62:40]

"Twice will they be given their reward, for that they have persevered, (and) they avert evil with good." [Qur'an 28:54]

Treat Women with Extra Care: 

The two  Hadiths discussed are as follows:

Abu Huraira [ ra ] narrated that the Prophet [ saw ] said: “The woman was created from a rib. She will not be straight according to your way. If you want to enjoy her, you will have to enjoy her with her twist [crookedness ]and if you try to straighten her, you would break her: and breaking her is divorcing her: 

Muslim [ 1468 ]. English translation was taken from the book: “The Fragile Vessels” by Shayk Muhammad al-Jibaly [ Al-Kitaab & as-Sunnah Publishing 2005 ] , p. 44

http://www.missionislam.com/family/womencrooked.html

The point is that a woman thinks and behaves differently than a man - it's in her nature. So the Prophet is telling men to not try to change her inherent nature, but to understand the differences and enjoy her as she is. The husband should respect her unique feminine nature and accept her the way Allah made her, complete with the “crookedness” that means that she will not be as he wishes in some aspects. If he insists on straightening her and molding her to “his” wishes, it will be like trying to straighten a bent rib: it will break in his hands, and the breaking of a woman is divorce.

Sahih Bukhari - Book 75, Hadith 27

حَدَّثَنَا يَحْيَى بْنُ يَحْيَى أَبُو زَكَرِيَّاءَ، أَخْبَرَنَا سُلَيْمَانُ بْنُ بِلاَلٍ، عَنْ يَحْيَى بْنِ سَعِيدٍ، قَالَ سَمِعْتُ الْقَاسِمَ بْنَ مُحَمَّدٍ، قَالَ قَالَتْ عَائِشَةُ وَارَأْسَاهْ. فَقَالَ رَسُولُ اللَّهِ صلى الله عليه وسلم " ذَاكِ لَوْ كَانَ وَأَنَا حَىٌّ، فَأَسْتَغْفِرُ لَكِ وَأَدْعُو لَكِ ". فَقَالَتْ عَائِشَةُ وَاثُكْلِيَاهْ، وَاللَّهِ إِنِّي لأَظُنُّكَ تُحِبُّ مَوْتِي، وَلَوْ كَانَ ذَاكَ لَظَلِلْتَ آخِرَ يَوْمِكَ مُعَرِّسًا بِبَعْضِ أَزْوَاجِكَ. فَقَالَ النَّبِيُّ صلى الله عليه وسلم " بَلْ أَنَا وَارَأْسَاهْ لَقَدْ هَمَمْتُ أَوْ أَرَدْتُ أَنْ أُرْسِلَ إِلَى أَبِي بَكْرٍ وَابْنِهِ، وَأَعْهَدَ أَنْ يَقُولَ الْقَائِلُونَ أَوْ يَتَمَنَّى الْمُتَمَنُّونَ، ثُمَّ قُلْتُ يَأْبَى اللَّهُ وَيَدْفَعُ الْمُؤْمِنُونَ، أَوْ يَدْفَعُ اللَّهُ وَيَأْبَى الْمُؤْمِنُونَ ".

Narrated Al-Qasim bin Muhammad:

`Aisha, (complaining of headache) said, "Oh, my head"! Allah's Messenger (ﷺ) said, "I wish that had happened while I was still living, for then I would ask Allah's Forgiveness for you and invoke Allah for you." Aisha said, "Wa thuklayah! By Allah, I think you want me to die; and If this should happen, you would spend the last part of the day sleeping with one of your wives!" The Prophet (ﷺ) said, "Nay, I should say, 'Oh my head!' I felt like sending for Abu Bakr and his son, and appoint him as my successor lest some people claimed something or some others wished something, but then I said (to myself), 'Allah would not allow it to be otherwise, and the Muslims would prevent it to be otherwise".

http://quranx.com/Hadith/bukhari/Book-75/Hadith-27/

Prophet (saw) is “Rehmat-ul-LilAlimeen” and he (saw) didn't kill that old lady who used to throw garbage upon him. No, but he (saw) treated her very well and thus she accepted Islam.

Sahih Muslim, Book 031, Number 6082: Abu Huraira reported: I invited my mother, who was a polytlieist, to Islam. I invited her one day and she said to me something about Allah's Messenger (may peace be upon him) which I hated. I came to Allah's Messenger (may peace be upon him) weeping and said: Allah's Messenger, I invited my mother to Islam but she did not accept (my invitation). I invited her today but she said to me something which I did not like. (Kindly) supplicate Allah that He may set the mother of Abu Huraira right. Thereupon Allah's Messenger (may peace be upon him) said: O Allah, set the mother of Abu Huraira on the right path. I came out quite pleased with the supplication of Allah's Apostle (may peace be upon him) and when I came near the door it was closed from within. My mother heard the noise of my footsteps and she said: Abu Huraira, just wait, and I heard the noiee of falling of water. She took a bath and put on the shirt and quickly covered her head with a headdress and opened the door and then said: Abu Huraira, I bear witness to the fact that there is no god but Allah and Mubammad is His bondsman and His Messenger. He (Abu Huraira) said: I went back to Allah's Messenger (may peace be upon him) and (this time) I was shedding the tears of joy. I said: Allah's Messenger, be happy, for Allah has responded to your supplication and He has set on the right path the mother of Abu Huraira.

Is this proven “Sunnah” of Prophet of mercy (saw) is not enough for our emotional brothers to stop spilling the blood upon small things and they should show patience and do “Dua” to Allah to show guidance to the people?

Sahih Bukhari, Volume 4, Book 54, Number 454: Narrated 'Aisha: That she asked the Prophet , 'Have you encountered a day harder than the day of the battle) of Uhud?" The Prophet replied, "Your tribes have troubled me a lot, and the worse trouble was the trouble on the day of 'Aqaba when I presented myself to Ibn 'Abd-Yalail bin 'Abd-Kulal and he did not respond to my demand. So I departed, overwhelmed with excessive sorrow, and proceeded on, and could not relax till I found myself at Qarnath-Tha-alib where I lifted my head towards the sky to see a cloud shading me unexpectedly. I looked up and saw Gabriel in it. He called me saying, 'Allah has heard your people's saying to you, and what they have replied back to you, Allah has sent the Angel of the Mountains to you so that you may order him to do whatever you wish to these people.' The Angel of the Mountains called and greeted me, and then said, "O Muhammad! Order what you wish. If you like, I will let Al-Akh-Shabain (i.e. two mountains) fall on them." The Prophet said, "No but I hope that Allah will let them beget children who will worship Allah Alone, and will worship None besides Him."

Sahih Bukhari, Volume 3, Book 49, Number 856:

Narrated Anas: It was said to the Prophet "Would that you see Abdullah bin Ubai." So, the Prophet went to him, riding a donkey, and the Muslims accompanied him, walking on salty barren land. When the Prophet reached 'Abdullah bin Ubai, the latter said, "Keep away from me! By Allah, the bad smell of your donkey has harmed me." On that an Ansari man said (to 'Abdullah), "By Allah! The smell of the donkey of Allah's Apostle is better than your smell." On that a man from 'Abdullah's tribe got angry for 'Abdullah's sake, and the two men abused each other which caused the friends of the two men to get angry, and the two groups started fighting with sticks, shoes and hands. We were informed that the following Divine Verse was revealed (in this concern):-- "And if two groups of Believers fall to fighting then, make peace between them." (49.9)

'Abdullah Ibn Ubbayy used direct insulting words for Prophet (saw), but still he (saw) didn't order to kill him due to blasphemy. Also Quran was revealed at that moment, but not about killing him on charge of blasphemy, but for making peace between 2 fighting Muslim groups.

Sahih Bukhari, Book of Blood Money (http://bewley.virtualave.net/bukhari47.html):

Masruq related from 'Abdullah that the Messenger of Allah, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, said, "The blood of a Muslim man who testifies that there is no god but Allah and I am the Messenger of Allah is not lawful except in three cases: a life for a life, someone who has been married who then commits fornication, and the one who leaves his deen and leaves the Community." This same tradition is reported in Sahih Muslim, Abu Dawud, Musnad Ahmad etc. by different Sahaba like Hadhrat 'Aisha, 'Abdullah Ibn Masood, 'Uthman Ibn Affan.

Those who argue for death penalty of Blasphemy of Prophet (pbuh) quote:

1. The Propeht (pbuh) ordered the execution of Kaab bin Ashraf and abu Rafay as both were guilty of Blasphemy. This special operation was carried out by Ansari Sahaba (R.A)

2. During the conquest of Makkah everybody was forgiven but there was a black list. The list contained names of people who were to be executed even if they wrap themselves around the cloth of Al-Kaabah. The criminals with names on this list were all guilty of blasphemy.

3. Even during the time when Prophet (pbuh) was in this world, seeking permission to execute the person guilty of blasphemy was not required as evident from two separate incidents involving blind Sahaba (R.A)

Following aspects need considerations by the scholars:

1. Kaab bin Ashraf, a mixed Arab-Jew, enemy of Muslims, who entered in to secret pact with Abu Sufyan, [head of Quresh of Makkah] against Muslims, also a anti Muslim poet, was ordered to be killed by The Prophet (pbuh) most on political and military reasons, cannot be termed as only accused of blasphemy [see www.youtube.com/watch?v=2P8EmMQ98qE ]. The blasphemers [of ahlel bayt, Ifk] were punished 80 lashes for slandering Syedah Ayesha (R.A) with grant of forgiveness (Quran;24:22). Can the specific one time instructions for specific people [Kaab], over rule the policy derived form the Quranic verses mentioned above?
2. Can under prevalent environment of FITNAH, FISAD, extremism, violence and sectarianism; individuals be given free hand to execute any one on pretext of blasphemy? 
3. While keeping in view the public sentiments of Muslims, in a Muslim state people cannot be allowed to openly commit blasphemy on the pretext of free speech hence there is need of law to punish such blasphemers. However trying to link such law with holy texts, not supported by many scholars need cautious approach, and consensus. Every country has laws according to the sentiments of people which may not be liked by others, in most European countries there is Anti-Semitics law, which is against free speech but its there. Hence any objection to Anti blasphemy law may be disregarded but the punishment be according to the crime, on case to case basis. Implementation of law be fair, meeting all requirements of justice and fair trial. Any one misusing this  law, for settling personnel disputes be also swearly punished. 
4. Muftis and Uleema be restrained to issue edicts/fatwas in such cases, its the job of courts to dispense justice via fair trial. Mob justice and lynching must be dealt with swearly.  [Allah knows best]

VIDEOS:

1. Junaid Jamshed's Controversial video on Hazrat Aisha (R.A): <a>http://youtu.be/zChvl5mBsnA</a>
2. Clarification and apology: https://www.facebook.com/video.php?v=781272881909065&set=vb.248679805168378&type=2&theater
3. Molana Tariq Jameel's Views: http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x2bhhl0_mullah-tariq-jameel-rushes-to-disown-junaid-jamshed-after-blasphemy-charges_news
4. http://tune.pk/video/5261800/sayyeda-ayesha-ki-gustakhi-per-junaid-jamshed-ka-operation
5. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nwzlCZkUbWM
6. Mufti Naeem views: http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x2bnblm_mufti-naeem-about-junaid-jamshed-clarification_news
7. BLASPHEMY CASE HAS BEEN CHARGED AGAINST JUNAID JAMSHED: http://www.zemtv.com/2014/12/03/blasphemy-case-has-been-charged-against-junaid-jamshed/
8. Hafiz Saed's Extreme Views : https://www.facebook.com/sharer/sharer.php?u=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fvideo.php%3Fv%3D317256725140285&display=popup&ref=plugin
9. Use of Blasphemy Law: http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x29imjd_siasat-aur-saazish-use-of-blasphemy-law-what-islam-says-6th-november-2014_news

10. Assassination of Ka'b ibn al-Ashraf - Yasir Qadhi - YouTube

    ► 62:20► 62:20

    www.youtube.com/watch?v=2P8EmMQ98qE
    

    
    

    Jan 7, 2013 - Uploaded by YasirQadhi

    Shaykh Yasir Qadhi gives a detailed analysis of the life of Prophet Muhammed (peace be upon him) from the 

Women Folks Magazine: http://flip.it/OngRP
Related Links:
http://www.khalidzaheer.com/qa/847
Videos: http://www.khalidzaheer.com/video/8
http://www.khalidzaheer.com/essays/kzaheer/criticism/the_salman_rushdie_case.html

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-south-asia-12621225

http://muslimcanada.org/HamdardBlasphemy.html

http://blasphemylaws.blogspot.com

http://defence.pk/threads/proofs-that-present-blasphemy-law-is-against-quran-and-sunnat.343216/page-2
Short link: https://t.co/hBC3ZS4fpq
Junaid Jamshed on trial: Important aspects : https://t.co/hBC3ZS4fpq

مَّن يَشْفَعْ شَفَاعَةً حَسَنَةً يَكُن لَّهُ نَصِيبٌ مِّنْهَا ۖ وَمَن يَشْفَعْ شَفَاعَةً سَيِّئَةً يَكُن لَّهُ كِفْلٌ مِّنْهَا ۗ وَكَانَ اللَّـهُ عَلَىٰ كُلِّ شَيْءٍ مُّقِيتًا

جو بھلائی کی سفارش کریگا وہ اس میں سے حصہ پائے گا اور جو برائی کی سفارش کرے گا وہ اس میں سے حصہ پائے گا، اور اللہ ہر چیز پر نظر رکھنے والا ہ

Whoever recommends and helps a good cause becomes a partner therein: And whoever recommends and helps an evil cause, shares in its burden: And Allah hath power over all things.(Quran;4:85)

Maafi Naama and Clarification by Junaid Jamshed... by mus

Mufti Naeem about Junaid Jamshed (Clarification) by spediawol

Maulana Tariq Jameel rushes to disown Junaid... by spediawol

Junaid Jamshed still has negotiated forgiveness... by MR_bean86

Short link:

 جنید جمشید , غور طلب نقاط   : Junaid Jamshed & blasphemy allegation, some considerations: http://goo.gl/1yYEY5

Real face of  Aamir Liaquat Hussain cursing Sahaba …:  http://youtu.be/gsjuw0UghCY

I am a Muslim but I dont believe in Blasphemy.... by zemtv