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Wednesday, September 28, 2016

War of Words Between India and Pakistan over Kashmir


After hearing the reference to UN resolutions vis-a-vis Kashmir and demilitarization in Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s speech in the United Nations General Assembly earlier today, I thought I’d write a little something about the resolution adopted by the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP), which underscores that demilitarization is a prerequisite for Pakistan as well before an impartial plebiscite could even be considered.

In January 1948 India referred the Kashmir dispute to the United Nations (Rahman 1996: 15–19). Prime Minister Nehru took the dispute with Pakistan over Kashmir beyond local and national boundaries by bringing it before the UN Security Council, and seeking a ratification of India’s “legal” claims over Kashmir. The UN reinforced Nehru’s pledge of holding a plebiscite in Kashmir, and in 1948 the Security Council established the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) to play the role of mediator in the Kashmir issue. The UNCIP adopted a resolution urging the government of Pakistan to cease the infiltration of tribal mercenaries and raiders into J & K. It also urged the government of India to demilitarize the state by “withdrawing their own forces from Jammu and Kashmir and reducing them progressively to the minimum strength required for the support of civil power in the maintenance of law and order.” The resolution proclaimed that once these conditions were fulfilled, the government of India would be obligated to hold a plebiscite in the state in order to either ratify or veto the accession of J & K to India (Hagerty 2005: 19). Sir Zafarulla Khan, Pakistan’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, while discussing the volatile Kashmir issue at the UN on 16 January 1948, said that the maharaja’s government had attempted to brutally quell the spirit of revolution in Kashmir: “They were mowed down by the bullets of the State Dogra troops in their uprising but refused to turn back and received those bullets on their bared breasts” (United Nations Security Council: 65).

This political stalemate led to the resumption of bitter acrimony in 1948. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah voiced his disillusionment with the wishy-washy role of the UN Security Council. He expressly declared on 22 April 1948 that the Security Council resolution was “yet another feature of power politics on which the Security Council has embarked ever since its inception.” The Sheikh condemned the machinations of imperialist powers like the US and the UK which “saw Kashmir only as the neighbour of Russia and therefore an essential base in the encirclement of Russia for future aggression” (Krishen 1951: 19–20). A provisional cessation of hostilities, however, occurred in January 1949, with the establishment of a political and military truce.

The ceasefire line left the Indians with the bulk of Jammu and Kashmir’s territory (139,000 of 223,000 square kilometres, approximately 63 per cent) and population. The Indians had gained the prize piece of real estate, the Kashmir Valley, and they also controlled most of the Jammu and Ladakh regions. These areas became Indian Jammu and Kashmir (IJK). The Pakistanis were left with a long strip of land running on a north–south axis in western J & K, mostly Jammu districts bordering Pakistani Punjab and the NWFP . . . a slice of Ladakh (Skardu), and the remote mountain zones of Gilgit and Baltistan (the Northern Areas or NA). (Bose 2003: 41)

The de facto border carved in 1949 worked to India’s territorial and political advantage.

The president of the UN Security Council, General A.G.L. McNaughton of Canada, endeavored to outline proposals to resolve the dispute. He proposed a program of gradual demilitarization and withdrawal of regular Indian and Pakistani forces, which were not required for the purposes of maintaining law and order from the Indian side of the cease-fire line. He also proposed disbandment of the militia of J & K, as well as of forces in Pakistani-administered “Azad” Kashmir. McNaughton recommended continuing the administration of the Northern Areas by the local authorities, subject to UN supervision. He recommended the appointment of a UN representative by the secretary general of the UN, who would supervise the process of demilitarization and procure conditions necessary to holding a fair and free plebiscite (Das 1950). Although McNaughton’s proposals were lauded by most members of the Security Council, India stipulated that Pakistani forces must unconditionally withdraw from the state, and that disbandment of Pakistani-administered Kashmir troops must be accomplished before an impartial plebiscite could be held (Rahman 1996: 90–91). In the interests of expediency, the UNCIP appointed a single mediator, Sir Owen Dixon, the United Nations representative for India and Pakistan, Australian jurist and war-time ambassador to the US, to efficiently resolve the conflict.

A meeting of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s National Conference was convened on 18 April 1950, in order to pass a resolution expressly warning the United Nations to take cognizance of Pakistan’s role as the aggressor (Korbel 2002: 170). The Communist writer Rajbans Krishen wrote an entire book to establish that the UN, its Commission and its representative, Sir Owen Dixon, were instruments of the US and the UK to annihilate the progressive movement pioneered by Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah in order to create in Kashmir, with the aid of Indian and Pakistani capitalists, a military base for an attack on the Soviet Union (ibid.: 257). The Communist leader in Kashmir, G.M. Sadiq, underscored the skepticism prevalent in Kashmir at the time:

. . . the time has come for India to withdraw the Kashmir question from the Security Council . . . [as] the Kashmiris realized that the talk of fair plebiscite was a mere smokescreen behind which the Anglo-American powers were planning to enslave the Kashmiris. Nothing will suit them better than the façade of trusteeship in Kashmir behind which they can build war bases against our neighbours [sic]. (Delhi Express, 1 January 1952)

Even as the Sheikh was aware of the infeasibility of withdrawing the Kashmir issue from the UN, the Sheikh-led NC reiterated its commitment to securing the right of self-determination for the people of Kashmir. It was suspicious of the UN, which was subservient to the hegemony of the US and the UK and flinched when it came to holding a plebiscite in Kashmir (Korbel 2002: 259). Sheikh declared that if a plebiscite was held in Kashmir and the people of Kashmir did not validate the accession to India that would not imply that, “as a matter of course Kashmir becomes part of Pakistan. . . . It would regain the status which it enjoyed immediately preceding the accession [i.e. independence]” (The Hindu, 26 March 1952). In 1949, the Sheikh candidly told Michael Davidson, correspondent of the London Observer, that, “Accession to either side cannot bring peace. We want to live in friendship with both the Dominions” (quoted in Saxena 1975: 33).

The insistence on rejecting the trajectory charted out for them by the power structures of India, Pakistan and the west, and the urge to proclaim themselves a nation that is capable of exercising the right of self-determination has haunted the psyche of the Kashmiri people for decades. The distrust that pervaded the Kashmir political scene was outlined by the Communist paper People’s Age, which assessed the report of the United Nations Commission to the Security Council as an instrument of the political intrigues and machinations of imperialist powers against the engendering of democracy in J & K. It was critical of the complicity of Pakistan with these powers to destroy the beginnings of a democratic mass movement. It evaluated the attempt of the US and the UK to preside over a purportedly “free and fair” plebiscite that would be held “under the direction of the military and political agents of American imperialism, masked as the UNO Commission officers,” as a strategy on their part to create and secure war bases on the subcontinent against the Soviet Union and China (Krishen 1951: 38).

As a placatory measure, in 1949 the UNCIP declared that “the Secretary-General of the United Nations will, in agreement with the Commission, nominate a Plebiscite Administrator who shall be a person of high international standing” (Dasgupta 1968: 402–03). Needless to say, the plebiscite was never held. The inability of the Indian government to hold a plebiscite is regarded by the Pakistani government as an act of political sabotage. The Indian government has been rationalizing its decision by placing the blame squarely on Pakistan for not demilitarizing the areas of J & K under its control, which was the primary condition specified by the United Nations for holding the plebiscite. Josef Korbel, the Czech UN representative in Kashmir, observes that ten weeks after the Security Council had passed an injunction calling on both India and Pakistan to demilitarize the Kashmir region within five months, Sir Owen Dixon found that not an iota of work had been done in that regard. Although both parties had agreed to hold a plebiscite in the state, they had failed to take any of the preliminary measures required for a free and fair referendum. Sir Owen Dixon, therefore, decided to take matters into his own hands and asked for the unconditional withdrawal of Pakistani troops. This was followed by a request to both countries to enable the demilitarization of Kashmir. The then Prime Minister of Pakistan, Liaquat Ali Khan, agreed to initiate the process by calling for the withdrawal of his troops.

But this request, which would have enabled the maintenance of law and order, was denied by India (Korbel 2002: 171). The rationale that India provided for its denial was the necessity to defend Kashmir and maintain a semblance of order. India vehemently opposed any proposal that would place Pakistan on the same platform as India, and which would not take into account the incursion of Kashmir territory by Pakistani militia and tribesmen. In order to neutralize the situation, Sir Owen Dixon suggested that while the plebiscite was being organized and held, the entire state should be governed by a coalition government, or by a neutral administration comprising non-partisan groups, or by an executive formed of United Nations representatives. But his proposal did not meet with the approval he expected. He noted, in 1950, that the Kashmir issue was so tumultuous because Kashmir was not a holistic geographic, economic or demographic entity, but, on the contrary, an aggregate of diverse territories brought under the rule of one maharaja. In a further attempt to resolve the conflict, Sir Owen Dixon propounded the trifurcation of the state along communal or regional lines, or facilitating the secession of parts of the Jhelum Valley to Pakistan (Ganguly 1997: 3–4, 43–57; Rahman 1996: 4).

Despite the bombastic statements and blustering of the governments of both India and Pakistan, however, the Indian government has all along perceived the inclusion of Pakistani-administered Jammu and Kashmir and the NA into India as unfeasible. Likewise, the government of Pakistan has all along either implicitly or explicitly acknowledged the impracticality of including the predominantly Buddhist Ladakh and predominantly Hindu Jammu as part of Pakistan. The coveted area that continues to generate irreconcilable differences between the two governments is the Valley of Kashmir. Dixon lamented:

None of these suggestions commended themselves to the Prime Minister of India. In the end, I became convinced that India’s agreement would never be obtained to demilitarization in any such form, or to provisions governing the period of the plebiscite of any such character, as would in my opinion permit the plebiscite being conducted in conditions sufficiently guarding against intimidation and other forms of influence and abuse by which the freedom and fairness of the plebiscite might be imperiled. (The Statesman, 15 September 1950)

Sir Owen Dixon nonetheless remained determined to formulate a viable solution to the Kashmir issue and suggested that a plebiscite be held only in the Kashmir Valley subsequent to its demilitarization, which would be conducted by an administrative body of UN officials. This proposal was rejected by Pakistan, which, however, reluctantly agreed to Sir Dixon’s further suggestion that the prime ministers of the two countries meet with him to discuss the viability of various solutions to the Kashmir dispute. But India decried this suggestion. A defeated man, Sir Dixon finally left the Indian subcontinent on 23 August 1950 (Korbel 2002: 174). There seemed to be an inexplicable reluctance on both sides, India and Pakistan, to solve the Kashmir dispute diplomatically and amicably. Sir Dixon’s concluding recommendation was a bilateral resolution of the dispute with India and Pakistan as the responsible parties, without taking into account the ability of the Kashmiri people to determine their own political future.

After Dixon’s inability to implement conflict mitigation proposals, Frank Graham was appointed as mediator in 1951. Graham proposed the following: a reaffirmation of the ceasefire line; a mutual agreement that India and Pakistan would avoid making incendiary statements and that would reassert that Kashmir’s future would be decided by a plebiscite; steady attempts at demilitarization. But he was unable to dispel the doubts raised by the governments of India and Pakistan on securing the approval of both governments on a strategy for withdrawal of forces from the state, and agreement of both governments on a plebiscite administrator (ibid: 239–40). Given the unviability of its proposals, the UN soon bowed out of the political quagmire, leaving an unhealed wound on the body-politic of the Indian subcontinent: the Security Council resolutions affirming that the future of the state should be decided by its denizens.

War of Words Between India and Pakistan at the United Nations by NYLA ALI KHAN.
Source:  counterpunch.org

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Sunday, September 25, 2016

Cherry-picking Iqbal, splitting Jinnah: the Pakistani nationalist conundrum by Nadeem F. Paracha, dawn.com


This was one of the most daunting questions facing the founders of Pakistan: how was Muslim nationalism, which had given birth to a separate country, to be transformed into a more focused idea encompassing this country’s identity?

Muslim nationalism in India had become a multi-dimensional entity. The one emerging from the writings of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan had explained the Muslims of the region as a separate cultural community which had been shaped by 500-year-old Muslim political supremacy in India. To him this community was to enter the future as an enlightened entity, regenerated through modern education and a rational reinterpretation of its faith.

Khan’s ideas in this context played a leading role in the formation of Muslim modernism in India and which, in turn, inspired the creation of the All India Muslim League (AIML). This modernism was further evolved by the likes of Muhammad Iqbal who tried to fuse it with the currents emerging from the other dimension of Muslim nationalism in the region.

This other dimension was one which understood the Muslims of India as being part of the larger global Muslim community (ummah). According to this version, Muslims (India’s largest minority group) would be able to thrive more as a polity in a united India. That’s why this version opposed the creation of a separate Muslim-majority state. The opponents of such a state warned that such a state would disperse the Muslims of the region.

Iqbal tried to reconcile the modernism of Jinnah’s vision of Muslim nationalism with the pan-Islamism of its more conservative strand. Now Pakistanis have undone his work
The Muslim opponents of this state also had pan-Islamist tendencies. So, rather ironically, the more intransigent and ‘fundamentalist’ components of India’s Muslim nationalism were propagating a united India, whereas this nationalism’s more modernist components were demanding a separate Muslim-majority country.

Iqbal rather creatively attempted to resolve this by trying to reconcile the modernity of one dimension with the radical conservatism of the other.

Iqbal’s merger of the two opposing strands of Muslim nationalism was first worked into a political narrative by the AIML — especially when the party had started to become more populist in tone and action. For example, on the one hand, the party banked heavily on Iqbal’s pleas to ‘modernise faith’, but at the same time drew inspiration from the more traditionalist strands of Iqbal’s reconciliation when it had to attract the votes of the masses in the more rural areas.

During the all-important election of 1946, the AIML in Punjab’s urban areas explained the creation of Pakistan as the formation of a modern Muslim-majority country where the Muslims will be able to rapidly advance culturally, politically and economically and so would the other minorities of India, even those Hindu segments who were being repressed by the dominant castes.

In the rural areas of the same province, however, the League turned towards the pro-League ulema who took the rightward route in Iqbal’s reconciliation and explained Pakistan as an Islamic entity.

The modernist and radical conservative currents in the two versions of Muslim nationalism in India, reconciled by Iqbal to become a merged narrative, had emerged with force during the League’s election campaign in the Punjab. But soon after the creation of Pakistan in 1947, this fusion would not be taken as a whole, but would be split between the modernists and the conservatives with both claiming to be expressing Iqbal’s vision.

In 1946, while talking to British journalist, Doon Campbell, Jinnah stated that Pakistan was not to be a theocracy but a modern, democratic state. At the same time, a slogan, ‘What does Pakistan mean? It means, there is no God but God,’ was ringing in some towns of the Punjab.

According to Tahir Wasti in his 2009 book The Application of Islamic Criminal Law this slogan was coined in 1945 by a minor poet, Malik Ghulam Nabi, in Sialkot. But whereas Jinnah and most of the League’s leadership had admired Iqbal’s attempt to reconcile political and social modernity through reinterpretations of the scriptures, men such as Ghulam Nabi and the pro-League ulema had responded more to that side of Iqbal’s writings that had celebrated Islam as a rallying impulse that needed to be expressed passionately.

Furthermore, even those clerics and ulema who were against the AIML’s idea of creating a separate country but who eventually migrated to this country, began to point at Iqbal when they began to demand the ‘Islamisation’ of Pakistan.

Jinnah was not an ideologue. He was a sharp politician and an articulate lawyer. Though there is now enough evidence to suggest that he was envisioning Pakistan as a modern Muslim-majority country where the culture would be Muslim, but the state was to remain detached from the matters of the faith, he was also conscious of the thin line which separated the idea of a modern Muslim-majority state from that of an emerging theocracy – especially in a region where a Muslim minority had suddenly become a ruling majority.

Writing in the Frontier Post in 1991, author Ahmad Bashir wrote that during a Muslim League convention in Karachi in 1947, a man in the audience suddenly got up and interrupted Jinnah’s address, shouting Ghulam Nabi’s slogan. Jinnah immediately shot back: “Sit down. Neither I, nor my working committee, nor the council of the Muslim League has ever passed such a resolution where I had committed this to the people of Pakistan. You might have done so to catch a few votes.”

Jinnah passed away in 1948, just a year after the birth of Pakistan. He did not leave behind a systematically conceived ideological model of what Pakistan was to be. There were just his speeches and interviews, but which he had delivered and given as a politician and a rather pragmatic one to boot. His political disposition was that of a level-headed and dispassionate parliamentarian and constitutionalist who had begun to appreciate Muslim nationalism as a progressive idea to mobilise and carry the Indian Muslim community into the modern age and towards political sovereignty.

But even though hugely admired by the new country’s citizens and intelligentsia, Jinnah’s speeches did not seem to figure much when the state of Pakistan first began to formulate the whole idea of Pakistani nationalism. Instead, both the modernists as well as the traditionalists cherry-picked their way across Iqbal’s writings. So much so that even when Jinnah did begin to get more space in the whole nationalist debate, he had been turned into an ideologue, split between the modernists and the conservatives. There was no Iqbal any more to reconcile the two.
By Nadeem Friday Piranha
Source:
http://www.dawn.com/news/1285632/smokers-corner-cherry-picking-iqbal-splitting-jinnah-the-pakistani-nationalist-conundrum
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Monday, August 29, 2016

Altaf Hussain - MQM & Pakistan Politics - Analysis

Mustafa Kamal decimates MQM chief Altaf, announces new political party



MQM & Altaf Hussain latest activities / ventures <<<click here >>>>
Anti Pak, Anti Army, pro India hate speech by Altaf Hussain: 
Altaf Hussain again delivered a hate anti Pakistan speech on 22 August 2016. Its not new he has been repeatedly delivering such hate and violent speeches for years. The successive governments have mysteriously not taken any tangible action except verbal rhetoric. There has been strong reaction from people and establishment. There appears to be beginning of an end of politics of terror and hate by Altaf Hussain: <<<more here >>>>

Altaf Hussain Hated Speech Against Pakistan 22 August 2016 ...

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GBIRjjk4Sy8
Altaf Hussain Hated Speech Against Pakistan 22 August 2016.


Earlier in a similar speech Altaf talked of Greater Balochistan, Greater Sindh, Greater Pakhtoonistan, Greater Punjab..... at cost of Pakistan .... this is echo of infamous "Bernard Lewis Plan" to carve up Middle East and Muslim World ... Also read  more<here>
Pakistan's MQM 'received Indian funding'
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Altaf Hussain / MQM has been allegedly involved in dubious terrorist / Anti  Pakistan and militant activities. He can threaten or abuse with impunity, any one including judiciary, political opponents, state institutions like Army  <<Here is latest  >>>>
Rangers raid 90, recover convicted murders and weapons... Video

File photo shows fire-fighters trying to control the blaze at the garment factory in Baldia.&mdash;AFP/File
The Baldia Town factory inferno case took a dramatic turn when a report by Rangers claimed that the Muttahida Qaumi Movement was behind the deadly fire that claimed the lives of at least 258 factory workers. The report prepared by a joint investigation team (JIT) was submitted to the Sindh High Court by an additional attorney general, along with a statement of the deputy assistant judge advocate general of Rangers, Major Ashfaque Ahmed.
The statement said the information had been disclosed by suspect Mohammad Rizwan Qureshi, an alleged worker of the MQM, on June 22, 2013 during joint investigation of the factory inferno. <<Full story>>>
یک گہری سازش .. ڈرامہ
الطاف حسین ایک برطانوی شہری جو کے کئی سال قبل پاکسانی شہریت کو ٹھکرا کر چلا گیا وہاں قانون شکنی کے الزام میں گرفتار ہو گیا . اس معاملے کے ساتھ حکومت پاکستان اور عوام کوئی تعلق نہیں مگر کراچی اور سندھ کے شہروں میں لوگوں کو حراساں اور دہشت سے کاروبار بیند کروا دیا گیا . الطاف حسسیں نے برطانوی حکومت کو مدد دینے کی پیش کش خط لکھ کر کی . خط اور ترجمہ حاضر ہے .

امریکا اور برطانیہ افغانستان سے انخلا کر رہے ہیں . پاکستان ایک اسلامی ایٹمی طاقت ہے . یہاں حکومت ان کی مرضی سے بنتی ہینن . اپنے مقاصدحاصل کرنے کے لیے وہ اپنے وفاداروں کو استمال کرتے ہیں . الطاف حسین جسے لوگ آسانی سے مل جاتے ہیں . جس کو پاکستان سے پیار ہوگا اس کا مرنا جینا پاکستان میں ہو گا . پاکستان کے محب وطن لوگ اور ادارے دشمن کے آلہ کار نہیں بنتے . لہٰذا الطاف حسسین کی گردن مروڑ کر پاکستان کو پیغام دیا جا رہا ہے کہ ہماری بات مانو ورنہ کراچی اور سندھ میں امن نہیں ہو گا کاروبار بینڈ ہو گا .... آپ خود سمجھدار ہیں .... ذرا سوچییے ...

آپ دہشت گردی اور بدمعاشی کو ٹھکرا دیں .. پریشر مت لیں جلد سب ٹھیک ہو جائے گا

http://pakistan-posts.blogspot.com/2011/08/letter-by-patriotic-pakistani-leader.html




Mr.Altaf Hussain, a British citizen, is under investigation by British police on different case. Why MQM is holding rallies in Pakistan for him? It has nothing to do with the people or government of of Pakistan.
The Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) on 25 May 2014, held a  rally in Karachi to show solidarity with party chief Altaf Hussain during which MQM leaders said that it was unjust that Mr Hussain's accounts were frozen despite of his cooperation in the money laundering and other matters in Britain, DawnNews reported. Senior Leader of the party, Farooq Sattar, delivering his speech in English near Tibet Centre in Karachi, requested British Prime Minister David Cameron to take notice of what he called were unlawful and blatant violations of human rights against MQM chief Altaf Hussain and his colleagues in London. He also questioned as to why had the accounts been seized without any proof, trial or charge being framed against Mr Hussain.
Sattar further said that Altaf Hussain was being harassed by the British administration and warned of moving British courts and holding protests at 10 Downing Street against the behavior of British government.
Members of National Assembly, Sindh's provincial assembly and Senators belonging to the MQM and the party's office bears addressed the rally which was attended by a large number of activists and supporters. Speaking on the occasion, MQM Deputy Convener Khalid Maqbool Siddiqui said that the British government should answer the question raised by Farooq Sattar. He said that Altaf Hussain was victimised for speaking truth but said that he would not stop telling truth to the people and continue to do this. MQM leader Haider Abbas Rizvi demanded of the government to stop extra-judicial killings of MQM activists and said that one more activist was extra-judicially killed on Sunday. He demanded immediate release of the missing activists and said that the party was playing a crucial role in stabilizing the country. [Dawn.com].
Here is a review of this case.





London Metropolitan Police has interrogated two leaders of Muttahida Qaumi Movement and recovered important archives as well as high valued diamonds, jewellery from two bank lockers.

According to sources, police had tracked the details of bank lockers while conducting search operation on Altaf Hussain and his relative’s homes.

The sources said that London police has compiled a report based on solid evidences against Altaf Hussain and sent it to Crown Prosecution Service, Dunya News reported.

The Crown Prosecution Service is responsible for prosecuting criminal cases investigated by the police in England and Wales.

Police sources added MQM chief will be part of interrogative process after governmental lawyers’ response.

Two former leaders of the political party provided firm proofs to London police which helped the officials in investigations.

Police officials also claimed that amount of more than one million pounds were recovered during the raid.

London Metropolitan Police and Crown Prosecution Services will present progress report today on Imran Farooq murder case before British Home Secretary Theresa May.

Crown Prosecution Services will hold a special session with the top police officials before meeting the home secretary.

Earlier, Chief of the Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) Altaf Hussain  voluntarily stepped down from his post on June 30 after the raid conducted by London police on his residence but rejoined his post after 6 hours.

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In a reply to allegations pertaining to poll rigging being leveled against MQM in Karachi and Hyderabad, Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) Chief Altaf Hussain said if the 'establishment' doesn't like the mandate of his party, it should go ahead and detach it from the rest of the country. [12 May 2013] The MQM Chief alerted Karachiites to get ready to stand up against the bullying and that soon a call will be issued to them in this regard. "Altaf Hussain should not be blamed if a war breaks out among the people," he warned, adding whoever attempted to conduct propaganda will face a war. There has been strong reaction against this undemocratic statement of intolerance, with anti sate terrorist threat.Mr.Altaf Hussain has track record of making such statements.

The current MQM-A is the successor to a group called the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM) that was founded by Altaf Hussein in 1984 as a student movement to defend the rights of Mohajirs, who by some estimates make up 60 percent of Karachi’s population of twelve million. At the time, Mohajirs were advancing in business, the professions, and the bureaucracy, but many resented the quotas that helped ethnic Sindhis win university slots and civil service jobs. Known in English as the National Movement for Refugees, the MQM soon turned to extortion and other types of racketeering to raise cash. Using both violence and efficient organizing, the MQM became the dominant political party in Karachi and Hyderabad, another major city in Sindh. Just three years after its founding, the MQM came to power in these and other Sindh cities in local elections in 1987 (AI 1 Feb 1996; U.S. DOS Feb 1997, Feb 1999; HRW Dec 1997).


The following year, the MQM joined a coalition government at the national level headed by Benazir Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), which took power in elections following the death of military leader General Zia ul-Haq. This marked the first of several times in the 1980s and 1990s that the MQM joined coalition governments in Islamabad or in Sindh province. Meanwhile, violence between the MQM and Sindhi groups routinely broke out in Karachi and other Sindh cities (AI 1 Feb 1996; Jane’s 14 Feb 2003).

In 1992, a breakway MQM faction, led by Afaq Ahmed and Aamir Khan, launched the MQM Haqiqi (MQM-H), literally the “real” MQM. Many Pakistani observers alleged that the MQM-H was supported by the government of Pakistan to weaken the main MQM led by Altaf Hussein, which became known as the MQM-A (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003). Several smaller MQM factions also emerged, although most of the subsequent intra-group violence involved the MQM-A and the MQM-H (AI 1 Feb 1996; U.S. DOS Feb 1999; Jane’s 14 Feb 2003).

Political violence in Sindh intensified in 1993 and 1994 (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003). In 1994, fighting among MQM factions and between the MQM and Sindhi nationalist groups brought almost daily killings in Karachi (U.S. DOS Feb 1995). By July 1995, the rate of political killings in the port city reached an average of ten per day, and by the end of that year more than 1,800 had been killed (U.S. DOS Feb 1996).

The violence in Karachi and other cities began abating in 1996 as soldiers and police intensified their crackdowns on the MQM-A and other groups (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003). Pakistani forces resorted to staged “encounter killings” in which they would shoot MQM activists and then allege that the killings took place during encounters with militants (U.S. DOS Feb 1996). Following a crackdown in 1997, the MQM-A adopted its present name, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement, or United National Movement, which also has the initials MQM (HRW Dec 1997).
MQM-A leader Hussein fled in 1992 to Britain, where he received asylum in 1999 (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003). The MQM-A is not on the U.S. State Department’s list of foreign terrorist organizations (U.S. DOS 23 May 2003).

While the multifaceted nature of the violence in Sindh province in the 1980s and 1990s at times made it difficult to pinpoint specific abuses by the MQM-A, the group routinely was implicated in rights abuses. In 1992 after the Sindh government called in the army to crack down on armed groups in the province, facilities were discovered that allegedly were used by the MQM-A to torture and at times kill dissident members and activists from rival groups. In 1996, Amnesty International said that the PPP and other parties were reporting that some of their activists had been tortured and killed by the MQM-A (AI 1 Feb 1996).

The MQM-A and other factions also have been accused of trying to intimidate journalists. In one of the most flagrant cases, in 1990 MQM leader Hussein publicly threatened the editor of the monthly NEWSLINE magazine after he published an article on the MQM’s alleged use of torture against dissident members (U.S. DOS Feb 1991). The following year, a prominent journalist, Zafar Abbas, was severely beaten in Karachi in an attack that was widely blamed on MQM leaders angered over articles by Abbas describing the party’s factionalization. The same year, MQM activists assaulted scores of vendors selling DAWN, Pakistan’s largest English-language newspaper, and other periodicals owned by Herald Publications (U.S. DOS Feb 1992).

The MQM-A has also frequently called strikes in Karachi and other cities in Sindh province and used killings and other violence to keep shops closed and people off the streets. During strikes, MQM-A activists have ransacked businesses that remained open and attacked motorists and pedestrians who ventured outside (U.S. DOS Feb 1996; Jane’s 14 Feb 2003).

The MQM-A allegedly raises funds through extortion, narcotics smuggling, and other criminal activities. In addition, Mohajirs in Pakistan and overseas provide funds to the MQM-A through charitable foundations (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003).
Since the September 11, 2001 terror attacks on the United States, the MQM-A has been increasingly critical of Islamic militant groups in Pakistan. The MQM-A, which generally has not targeted Western interests, says that it supports the global campaign against terrorism (Jane’s 14 Feb 2003).

This response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RIC within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.


Altaf Hussain believes history has proved the two-nation theory wrong. He contended that:
The idea of Pakistan was dead at its inception, when the majority of Muslims chose to stay back after partition, a truism reiterated in the creation of Bangladesh in 1971" [ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Altaf_Hussain#Ideology.2Fphilosophy ]

Altaf Hussain -  MQM & Pakistan Politics - Analysis: http://goo.gl/6A0gf 

Altaf Hussain has stated on numerous occasions that the
division of the subcontinent was the biggest blunder in the history of mankind and Nehru and Abdul Kalam Azad are responsible for it because they rejected that Grouping Formula and greater autonomy for muslim majority Province Of India. If they accepted it then Jinnah never have demanded a separate Pakistan and Jinnah was ready for co-exist within India
He believes that the partition divided the Muslims of the subcontinent and made them weaker as a result. Hussain favors peace between India and Pakistan and stated in his 2004 address in India that “India and Pakistan being the two largest in the region, need to demonstrate magnanimity and the necessary political wisdom and desire to truly seek peace. The Confidence Building Measures contemplated to bring the people of both countries closer must be implemented vigorously.” On the issue of Kashmir, Hussain stated that Indo-Pak dialogue should be allowed to “proceed on the basis of mutual adjustment and agreement…[and] It should be clear to all concerned that there can be no military solution to any of the contentious issues, let alone the issue of Kashmir.”

MQM - Accusation of Violence 
In the mid-1990s, the MQM was accused of involvement in the widespread political violence that affected Pakistan's southern Sindh province, particularly Karachi, the port city that is the country's commercial capital. MQM Kaarkunaan (as activists are locally referred to) fought government forces, breakaway MQM factions, and militants from other ethnic-based movements. In the mid-1990s, the U.S. State Department, Amnesty International, and others accused the MQM and a rival faction, MQM Haqiqi, of summary killings, torture, and other abuses. The MQM-A routinely denied involvement in violence.
The MQM allegedly raises funds through extortion, narcotics smuggling, and other criminal activities. In addition, Mohajirs in Pakistan and overseas provide funds to the MQM through charitable foundations (Jane's 14 Feb 2003).From 1992 to 1999, the MQM was the target of the Pakistan Army's Operation Cleanup leaving hundreds of civilians dead. Torture cells allegedly maintained by MQM were discovered in 1992. These cells were allegedly used to torture the abducted members of MQM-Haqiqi and other political rivals.
The MQM along with its other factions also have been accused of trying to intimidate journalists. In one of the most flagrant cases, in 1990 MQM leader Hussain publicly threatened the editor of the monthly NEWSLINE magazine after he published an article on MQM's alleged use of torture against dissident members (U.S. DOS Feb 1991). The following year, a prominent journalist, Zafar Abbas, was severely beaten in Karachi in an attack that was widely blamed on MQM leaders angered over articles by Abbas describing the party's factions. The same year, MQM activists assaulted scores of vendors selling DAWN, Pakistan's largest English-language newspaper, and other periodicals owned by Herald Publications (U.S. DOS Feb 1992). The MQM has also frequently called strikes in Karachi and other cities in Sindh province and used killings and other violence to keep shops closed and people off the streets. During strikes, MQM-A activists have ransacked businesses that remained open and attacked motorists and pedestrians who ventured outside (U.S. DOS Feb 1996; Jane's 14 Feb 2003). http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muttahida_Qaumi_Movement#1990.E2.80.931999
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UNHCR DECLARES MQM AS TERRORIST


The Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Altaf (MQM-A) has been widely accused of human rights abuses since its founding two decades ago. It claims to represent Mohajirs- Urdu-speaking Muslims who fled to Pakistan from India after the 1947 partition of the subcontinent, and their descendants.

In the mid-1990s, the MQM-A was heavily involved in the widespread political violence that wracked Pakistan’s southern Sindh province, particularly Karachi, the port city that is the country’s commercial capital. MQM-A militants fought government forces, breakaway MQM factions, and militants from other ethnic-based movements. In the mid-1990s, the U.S. State Department, Amnesty International, and others accused the MQM-A and a rival faction of summary killings, torture, and other abuses (see, e.g., AI 1 Feb 1996; U.S. DOS Feb 1996). The MQM-A routinely denied involvement in violence.


References:
Amnesty International (AI). HUMAN RIGHTS CRISIS IN KARACHI (1 Feb 1996, ASA 33/01/96), http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGASA330011996?open&of=ENG-PAK [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
Human Rights Watch (HRW). WORLD REPORT 1998, “Pakistan” (Dec 1997), http://www.hrw.org/worldreport/Asia-09.htm#P823_214912 [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
Jane’s Information Group (Jane’s). JANE’S WORLD INSURGENCY AND TERRORISM-17, “Muthida [sic] Qaumi Movement (MQM-A)” (14 Feb 2003), http://www.janes.com [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). “Foreign Terrorist Organizations” (23 May 2003), http://www.state.gov/s/ct/rls/fs/2003/12389.htm [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1998, “Pakistan” (Feb 1999), http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1998_hrp_report/pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1996, “Pakistan” (Feb 1997), http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1996_hrp_report/pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1995, “Pakistan” (Feb 1996), http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/democracy/1995_hrp_report/95hrp_report_sasia/Pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1994, “Pakistan” (Feb 1995), http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/democracy/1994_hrp_report/94hrp_report_sasia/Pakistan.html [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1991, “Pakistan” (Feb 1992).
U.S. Department of State (U.S. DOS). COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1990, “Pakistan” (Feb 1991).
Attachments:
Jane’s Information Group (Jane’s). JANE’S WORLD INSURGENCY AND TERRORISM-17, “Muthida [sic] Qaumi Movement (MQM-A)” (14 Feb 2003), http://www.janes.com [Accessed 6 Feb 2004]
Source: UNHCR
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/414fe5aa4.html

http://iaoj.wordpress.com/2008/12/10/unhcr-declares-mqm-as-terrorist/
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Canada Court Declares MQM as a Terrorist Organization


Stewart Bell, National Post, Wednesday, July 18, 2007: The head of the Quebec branch of a Pakistani political party is facing deportation after the Federal Court of Canada ruled he belonged to an organization [Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) led by London, UK-based Criminal Terrorist Altaf Hussain] that committed terrorism. The judge upheld the deportation of Mohammed Kashif Omer, a resident of Montreal, on the grounds he is a member of the Muttahida Quami Movement or MQM. [The MQM terrorist party is based in Karachi, Pakistan. MQM is a crime partner of Pakistan Muslim League (PML-Q), another terrorist party based in Pakistan. Criminal Terrorist Shaukat Aziz is the head of PML-Q. Criminal Terrorist Tyrant Pervez Musharraf, a mass murderer of thousands of innocent citizens of Pakistan and Afghanistan, is the President of both the MQM Mafia and the PML-Q Mafia].

It is the second time this year Canadian courts have ruled the MQM party meets the legal definition of a terrorist organization. Mr. Omer is one of dozens of Pakistanis whom Canadian immigration authorities are trying to deport because of their involvement in the MQM. Despite being blamed for the kidnapping, torture and murder of its political rivals in Pakistan, the MQM has opened a Canadian branch called MQM-Canada. Members of the group have worked on Conservative election campaigns, met [Canadian] Prime Minister Stephen Harper and recently hosted a [MQM] conference in Calgary [Canada].
Conservative MP Art Hanger spoke at the June 8-10 MQM-Canada convention, which was attended by several Pakistanis who are being deported for their alleged involvement in terrorism. Mr. Hanger said he did not support the [MQM] group. Conservative MLA Shiraz Shariff also attended. He said yesterday he was unaware Canadian courts had deemed the MQM a terrorist organization. "Why are we as a nation then allowing them to have a congregation here?" he said. Among the speakers at the convention was Mr. Omer, who presented a report on the "achievements and future strategy" of the Montreal office of MQM, according to the [MQM] group's Web Site. Mr. Omer has no immigration status in Canada. A Canada Border Services Agency spokesman, Erik Paradis, said the court ruling means that the deportation order against Mr. Omer is now in effect.
The MQM is a Pakistani political party that is part of [unconstitutional, illegal, self-appointed] President Pervez Musharraf's ruling coalition. The Canadian MQM branch has never been accused of illegal activities but in Pakistan the party has been blamed for widespread violence, most recently in May ��] when gunfights between the MQM and anti-government demonstrators left more than 40 dead. MQM officials deny any role in attacks and say they are victims of misinformation spread by Pakistani authorities. Canada's Security Intelligence Review Committee has been looking into complaints from MQM members that immigration authorities have unfairly branded them as terrorists.
Mr. Omer came to Canada in 1998 and was granted refugee status but in2005 immigration officials said he could not remain in Canada "because he knowingly and for a long period of time belonged to an organization that has engaged in terrorism."
In Pakistan, Mr. Omer had been a member of the MQM and its student wing from 1987 to 1998. He denied any involvement with the MQM in Canada but eventually acknowledged he was in charge of the MQM's Quebec office. The Immigration and Refugee Board said: "Mr. Omer's reasons for trying to hide that, in Canada, he is responsible for the Montreal section of the MQM-Canada lead me to believe that he knew that his party was committing many violent acts." He appealed the decision to the [Canada] Federal Court, arguing that the MQM is not a terrorist organization and that the violence was committed by rogue elements in the [MQM] party, but the court was not convinced.
Source: http://www.canada.com/components/print.aspx?id=c045bc85-f122-423e-bcad-8cc6f2f20031
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George Galloway is a British politician, author, journalist and broadcaster who was a Member of Parliament (MP) from 1987 to 2010. He came to public attention for his opposition to the Iraq War. Galloway is also known for his vigorous campaigns in favour of the Palestinians in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. He attempted to both overturn economic sanctions against Iraq in the 1990s and early 2000s and to avert the 2003 invasion. His views on MQM are worth listening/viewing:





Comments/Analysis:
MQM claims to be a democratic political party of Pakistan, which remained part of government in one way or other since 1999 even prior. General Parvez Musharraf was himself Muhajir  allegedly having close links with MQM even while he was a Brigadier. MQM enjoyed complete monopoly and official patronage under dictatorial rule of General Musharraf. Even after he is gone it is part of PPP coalition government with intermittent breaks which has become a joke. MQM is allegedly has militant wing involved in extortion and terrorist activitiesIn the mid-1990s, the U.S. State Department, Amnesty International, and others accused the MQM and a rival faction, MQM Haqiqi, of summary killings, torture, and other abuses.The letter of 2003,above indicates and confirms that MQM is much more than a political party, a Sate with in sate, dealing directly with foreign countries, offering favourable processions, intelligence & surveillance duties with in Pakistan and even in Afghanistan under cover agents. Recent disclosures by ex interior minister of Sindh also point to militancy and violence by MQM. Use of violence and force to enforce a particular agenda by MQM, Taliban, Al-Qaida, PPP or ANP militant groups place them on same platform. Use of force, militancy and power by any one on any pretext is condemned being terrorism. The allegations are very serious, which demand in-depth, independent, creditable probe and action if MQM is found to involved in such terrorists and anti state activities. MQM should itself demand it to prove her innocence. Views of Imran Khan expressed in this video are worth consideration:






Read in conjunction with:
MQM - Time for Change: http://goo.gl/bzq2U
‘Altaf’s address waste of time’:http://goo.gl/Stixg


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Altaf Hussain’s Letter to Britain’s Prime Minister-2001
MQM says this letter is bogus & fabricated but Najam Sethi Proved it to be True
"LET NOT the believers take those who deny the truth for their allies in preference to the believers - since he who does this cuts himself off from God in everything - unless it be to protect yourselves against hem in this way. But God warns you to beware of Him: for with God is all journeys' end."[Quran;3:28]

’الطاف حسین کا خط، خدمات اور مطالبات‘

پاکستان کے صوبہ سندھ کے سابق سینیئر وزیر اور پیپلز پارٹی کے رہنما ذوالفقار مرزا نے کراچی میں منعقدہ ایک پریس کانفرنس میں جہاں ایم کیو ایم اور وزیرِ داخلہ کو شہر کے حالات کی خرابی کا ذمہ دار قرار دیا وہیں ایک ایسے خط کا ذکر بھی کیا جس میں مبینہ طور پر متحدہ قومی موومنٹ کے قائد الطاف حسین نے برطانوی وزیراعظم سے کہا تھا کہ پاکستان کی خفیہ ایجنسی آئی ایس آئی کا خاتمہ ضروری ہے ورنہ یہ ایجنسی اسامہ اور طالبان پیدا کرتی رہے گی۔
پیر کو یہ خط پاکستان کے نجی ٹی وی چینل اے آر وائی کے ایک ٹی وی مذاکرے میں پیش کیا گیا جس میں خود ذوالفقار مرزا بھی مدعو تھے۔
پیش کیا جانے والا خط مبینہ طور پر ستمبر گیارہ کے امریکہ پر حملوں کے بعد لکھا گیا تھا۔
تئیس ستمبر سنہ دو ہزار ایک کو تحریر کیے جانے والے اس خط میں ان خدمات کا ذکر ہے جو کہ ایم کیو ایم سرانجام دے سکتی ہے اور ان کے عوض ایم کیو ایم کو کیا چاہیے کا ذکر ہے۔
اس خط کے آغاز میں کہا گیا ہے کہ ایم کیو ایم ہر قسم کی دہشت گردی، مذہبی انتہا پسندی اور تشدد کے خلاف ہے اور حقیقی جمہوریت کے حق میں ہے جبکہ خط کے اختتام میں امید ظاہر کی گئی ہے کہ اگر برطانیہ اور عالمی برادری کے لیے پاکستان کی جغرافیائی اور تجارتی اہمیت باقی ہے تو اس خط پر سنجیدگی سے غور کیا جائے گا ۔

کیا خدمات پیش کی جا سکتی ہیں

اس خط کے مطابق اگر یہ معاہدہ طے پا جاتا ہے تو پانچ روز کے نوٹس پر پاکستان کے سب سے بڑے شہر کراچی میں دہشت گردی کے خلاف عالمی برادری کے حق میں مظاہرے کیے جاسکتے ہیں۔ ان مظاہروں میں لاکھوں افراد حصہ لیں گے بشرطیکہ حکومتِ پاکستان مظاہروں کی اجازت دے۔
خط میں مزید کہا گیا ہے کہ اس قسم کا پہلا مظاہرہ چھبیس ستمبر کو کراچی میں منعقد کی جائے گی۔ (ایم کیو ایم کی اپنی ویب سائیٹ کے مطابق دہشت گردی کے خلاف اس تاریخ کو ریلی نکالی گئی تھی جس سے الطاف حسین نے خطاب کیا تھا۔)
دوسرے نمبر پر کہا گیا ہے کہ ایم کیو ایم صوبہ سندھ کے دیہاتوں اور قصبوں اور کسی حد تک پنجاب میں انسانی انٹیلیجنس مہیا کرنے کے لیے لامحدود وسائل بروئے کار لائے گا۔ ایم کیو ایم انتہا پسندوں اور طالبان سے روابط رکھنے والی تنظیموں کے ساتھ ساتھ مدارس کی بھی نگرانی کرے گی۔
تیسرے نمبر پر اس خط میں کہا گیا ہے کہ امدادی کارکنوں کے بھیس میں مخصوص گروہوں کو افغانستان بھیجا جائے گا تاکہ مغربی انٹیلیجنس ایجنسیوں کو مدد فراہم کی جاسکے۔

ایم کیو ایم کے مطالبات

ایم کیو ایم کے سربراہ کی جانب سے مبینہ طور پر لکھے گئے خط میں کہا گیا ہے کہ خدمات کے عوض ایم کیو ایم یقین دہانی چاہتی ہے کہ مندرجہ ذیل مطالبات پورے کرائے جائیں گے۔ یہ مطالبات ہمارے لیے اور پاکستان کے لیے اہم ہیں۔
پہلا مطالبہ ہے کہ ایم کیو ایم کو صوبہ سندھ میں برابر کی شرکت داری چاہیے اور وفاقی سطح پر حقیقی پارٹنر بنایا جائے۔
دوسرا مطالبہ یہ ہے کہ ایم کیو ایم کو تعلیم، روزگار، فوج اور انتظامیہ سمیت تمام شعبہ زندگی میں برابری کا حصہ ملنا چاہیے۔
تیسرے نمبر پر کہا گیا ہے کہ مقامی سطح پر پولیس میں مہاجر اور سندھی بھرتی کیے جائیں۔
چوتھا مطالبہ ہے کہ صوبوں کو مکمل خودمختاری دی جائے اور وفاق کا کنٹرول صرف دفاع، خارجہ امور اور مالی پالیسی پر ہی ہو اور ان پالیسیوں میں ہر صوبے کی برابر کی نمائندگی ہو۔
اس خط کے مطابق پانچواں اور آخری مطالبہ یہ ہے کہ پاکستان کی خفیہ ایجنسی آئی ایس آئی کو تحلیل کر دینا ضروری ہے ورنہ یہ ادارہ اسامہ بن لادن اور طالبان پیدا کرتا رہے گا۔




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    No sane person doubts the patriotism, loyalty and sincerity of ordinary Urdu speaking people, who have been labelled as Muhajirs even after 64 years of creation of Pakistan. They are living all over Pakistan, where they are fully integrated in to local society. Its only in Sindh and especially in Karachi and Hyderabad where they form majority, the tension exists. Being more educated they occupy adequate if not more share in military and civil hierarchy. Pakistan is their homeland as of any one else living here. Efforts must be made not to allow any one with malicious designs or carrying the baggage of past to exploit them. They suffer from issues like poverty, lack of jobs, and opportunities, exploitation of poor by powerful elite as much any one else in other provinces. The difference is that while living in Karachi and Hyderabad their views are known and recognised where as their brothers [non Muhajirs] with similar problems living in rural Sindh, Punjab, Baluchistan and KPK are not heard properly, are oppressed. Unfortunately they have been taken hostage by well organised group with doubtful credentials.


    Foreign powers [UK or USA] have their own national interests, they shall never be taken as Auli'a [sincere protecting friends] as against fellow Muslim brothers, this is what Allah says in Quran [3:28] and this what historically has been prooved repeatedly, it does not mean that we should  be hostile to them unnecessarily. Quran does approve normal relationship with those not hostile to you.  [Please watch this video: http://youtu.be/H-04sSNY4LM]
    The problems of Pakistanis will be solved here by the Pakistanis at the soil of Pakistan. No foreign power shall come to help except to weaken Pakistan [control of nuclear weapons..]. We shall only be fooled to assist them and get nothing in return but anarchy and further destruction. Solution has to be local if it is to be sustainable. Hence we should stop looking towards foreign powers [UK, USA, or India, Bangladesh example is not applicable here - geography, ethnicity]. This is not an option even to think about. Such acts even as pressure tactics or bargain chip would result in further isolation, though it may temporarily strengthen the leaders/individuals in person but at the cost of the community.


    Its time for the old guards to make way for the new leadership to emerge and take the leadership, which should open up to national politics to play positive role. Local and regional politics, amounts to undermine the potentials of  these patriotic Pakistanis. [Aftab Khan]


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    MQM & Militancy 

    The most potent threat to Pakistan’s internal security in the late Nineteen Eighties and early Nineties was posed by militia from the MQM. Originally formed as the Mohajir Quomi Movement (MQM), it is now split into two factions. The faction led by the founder Altaf Hussain was renamed Muttahida Quomi Mahaz and is commonly referred to as MQM (A). A breakaway faction, created in 1992, retains the original name Mohajir Quomi Movement - with the suffix Haqiqi which means real - and is commonly referred to as MQM (H). The two factions have been responsible for several incidents of urban terrorism even as the MQM (A) participates in Pakistan’s electoral process. After a series of strong measures taken by the State in 1998, the MQM (A) has largely reoriented itself into an exclusively political outfit. In its latest display of clout in Mohajir dominated areas, it called for a boycott of local body elections held in July 2001 and ensured a low turnout in areas dominated by its cadre.


    The MQM sought to portray itself, in its initial years as an organisation of Mohajirs. This ethnic term refers to refugees from India who settled in Karachi and other urban centres of Sindh province. They now constitute the largest segment in Sindh’s urban population. Largely natives of India’s Bihar and Uttar Pradesh provinces, this community maintains a distinct identity for itself. In the immediate post-partition period, the community formed one of the most influential lobbies in Pakistan having been closely associated with the movement for the country and its founder Mohammad Ali Jinnah. With the increasing power of the military over the State apparatus, the community found its pre-eminent position being increasingly usurped by the Punjabi dominated military-bureaucratic formation that effectively ruled Pakistan since Gen. Ayub’s coup in 1958.


    The first assertions of a distinct ethnic identity were made by the All Pakistan Mohajir Students Organisation" (APMSO) founded by Altaf Hussain in Karachi in 1978. Altaf Hussain went on, in 1984, to form the MQM. For two years, the outfit maintained a low profile reportedly concentrating on building its cadre base in Karachi and Hyderabad. It came on the national stage with a massive rally in Karachi on August 8. Ever since it has been a major actor in Pakistan’s politics even as it maintains an armed cadre that has repeatedly indulged in urban terrorism. In 1992, going against the civilian political executive, the army reportedly encouraged a split in the outfit helping create the MQM (H) under the leadership of Afaq Ahmed and Aamir Khan, who were earlier top members of MQM’s armed wing. To disguise itself as a broad social formation, the outfit dropped the term Mohajir from its title and renamed itself the Muttahida Quomi Mahaz (United National Front)


    Violence has always accompanied the outfit’s political activities. It began with the first public meeting on August 8, 1986, which was accompanied by aerial firing, street violence and damage to public property by participants. Two months later, on October 31, rioting in Karachi and Hyderabad, another MQM (A) stronghold, left 12 persons dead. Altaf Hussain and ten other leaders of the outfit were arrested on November 2 that year which only increased the street violence in Mohajir dominated cities. On December 14, the outfit’s secretary general Dr Imran Farooq claimed that the situation can come under control only if Altaf Hussain is released. Almost on cue, violence flared up that night and the next day leaving 120 persons dead in Karachi.


    Violence continued, allegedly perpetrated by MQM, despite the outfit entering into an alliance with the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) in 1988 and participating in a coalition government at the Federal level. The two parties had signed a 54 point agreement commonly known as the Karachi Accord just before the elections held in December that year. News reports suggested that most violence was between supporters of the MQM and the Jiye Sindh Movement, an organisation purpotedly fighting the cause of native Sindhis. Another rival with which the MQM frequently indulged in violent clashes was the Punjabi-Pukhtoon Ittehad (PPI), an outfit comprising of armed extremists from the Pukhtoon and Punjabi communities. Random attacks by armed activists of the warring groups on unarmed civilians were the major cause for casualties. In May 1989, the MQM walked out of the PPP led coalition in Sindh and five months later, from the federal government, accusing the PPP of failing to honour its promises outlined in the Karachi Accord.


    The press to was a victim of the MQM’s terror strategies. Several newspapers, including the Dawn, Jang, identified by the outfit as non-symphathetic to the ‘movement’ were targeted for enforced boycotts.


    Following reports of an imminent army crackdown on the outfit, Altaf Hussain left for UK on January 1, 1992 and has been in exile since. Despite the flight of its leader, the outfit’s terrorist arm continued to operate until 1998. Its political arm too faded into insignificance after the October 1999 coup in Pakistan.


    The mid nineties in urban Sindh was marked by consistent strike calls from the MQM which included an announcement in July 1995 that weekly strikes on Fridays and Saturdays would be observed. Most MQM strikes were accompanied by violence leaving scores dead in their wake.


    The outfit’s leadership, particularly Altaf Hussain, has been described by most analysts, as opportunists. The political platforms adopted by the outfit have been forwarded as evidence. After striking a deal, termed as the Karachi Accord, with Benazir Bhutto’s PPP, the outfit switched alliances and teamed up with Nawaz Sharief’s, Pakistan Muslim League (PML) in 1992. In Pakistan’s predominantly two party set-up, MQM which has time and again proved itself as the third largest political force, has swung between the two dominant parties and joined several ruling coalitions at the federal level and in Sindh. The elected local bodies in Karachi and Hyderabad have been overwhelmingly dominated by the MQM (A).


    Major Incidents


    2002


    May 15: An Anti-terrorism court in Karachi sentences two MQM-A activists to life for killing a police personnel on July 21, 1998 in Liaquatabad.


    May 2: 300 MQM-A workers are arrested from various locations in Karachi, Hyderabad and other cities throughout Sindh province.


    April 26: Two top leaders of the MQM-A are killed by unidentified assailants in Karachi.


    April 22: A Sindh court exonerates 11 MQM-A activists, including former Sindh Governor and two former Members of the Sindh Provincial Assembly (MPAs), of all charges in the April 24, 1995-Mir Garden case. Three persons were killed and two police personnel injured in that incident.


    April 19: MQM-A chief Altaf Hussain demands a new Constitution for Pakistan.


    April 13: MQM-A chief Altaf Hussain urges President Pervez Musharraf to grant ‘complete’ autonomy to smaller provinces, including Sindh.


    April 9: An MQM-A activist is killed by unidentified gunmen in North Nazimabad, Karachi.


    January 7: Two unidentified assailants kill an activist of the MQM-A in Karachi.


    2001


    December 28: An MQM-A activist is killed in Shah Faisal Colony, Karachi.


    December 9: Altaf Hussain claims that missing party workers reportedly arrested by law enforcement agencies have finally been killed.


    November 22: The brothers of a former MQM-A cadre, in a revenge attack kill, two MQM-A activists. They attack the MQM-A cadres after they find the bullet-riddled body of their abducted brother in Baldia Town, Karachi.


    November 11: Unidentified gunmen kill a former sector ‘commander’ of the MQM-A in Jauharabad, Karachi.


    October 10: MQM-A chief Altaf Hussain says his party condemns all forms of terrorism and killings of innocent people, whether it is in the USA or in any other part of the world.


    October 2: An MQM-A cadre is killed in an encounter with Karachi Police.


    September 28: An MQM-A activist is killed and another injured in an armed attack on Jamshed Quarters in Karachi.


    September 26: Nine MQM-A activists are injured in two bomb blasts in Karachi.


    September 17: MQM-A Chief Altaf Hussain, in a statement from his London headquarters, says people of Pakistan in general, and Sindh in particular, must not "get distracted on the propaganda by the so-called religious and Jihadi organisations."


    September 5: A leader and 14 activists of the MQM-A are acquitted in different cases by the courts in Karachi.


    August 23: MQM-A deputy convener Shaikh Liaquat Hussain claims in Karachi that the party’s workers are being arrested and tortured.


    August 22: Three MQM-A cadres are arrested in Karachi in separate cases.


    June 6: MQM-A convenor Imran Farooq appeals to the Supreme Court to take suo motto action on a threat levelled by the Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) to assassinate MQM-A chief Altaf Hussain.


    June 3: MQM-A members of the suspended Sindh Assembly oppose the Federal government’s on-going arms recovery drive.


    June 1: A former MQM-A activist is killed by unidentified gunmen in Liaquatabad, Karachi


    May 31: Sindh High Court acquits nine MQM-A activists in former Governor Hakim Saeed assassination case following an appeal against their conviction pronounced earlier by an Anti-Terrorism Court.


    May 22: MQM-A co-ordination committee convenor Imran Farooq claims in Karachi that the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) is indulging in ‘baseless propaganda’ against Altaf Hussain, and implicating him in the May 18-killing of Sunni Tehreek chief Salim Qadri.


    May 8: MQM-A deputy cnvenor Khalid Maqbool Siddiqi claims in Karachi that state agencies were responsible for the May 7-Karachi bomb blast in which one person was killed and nine others injured.


    March 24: Karachi anti-terrorism court acquits a former Provincial Legislator of the MQM-A and nine other party activists in a case on which a police personnel was killed on July 28, 1999 in the city.


    February 28: MQM-H chief Afaq Ahmad claims in Karachi that Interior Minister Moinuddin Haider is "patronising the London-based ‘terrorist group’.


    February 23: MQM-A chief Altaf Hussain offers to hold a dialogue with the Federal government.


    February 20: An MQM-A leader is acquitted in two cases by two different additional district and sessions courts in Karachi.


    February 17: Two MQM-A activists arrested earlier on October 9, 2000, in Gulistan-i-Jauhar, are sentenced to death by an ant-terrorism court in Karachi for anti-national activities.


    January 3: Senior MQM-A activist of Ranchor Lines, Karachi, Mohammad Shoaib, is arrested.


    January 2: MQM-A chief Altaf Hussain and 13 associates declared 'absconders' by Karachi court.


    2000


    December 22: An additional district and sessions court in Karachi declares MQM-A chief Altaf Hussain and three other activists absconders in a case pertaining to the killing of two persons during an MQM-A sponsored strike in Karachi in June 1995.


    December 20: A former MQM-A member and his brother were killed by two armed assailants in Liaquatabad, Karachi.


    December 15: Five MQM-A activists acquitted by a Karachi court in a case regarding an attack on police personnel during a shootout in Liaquatabad in 1998.


    December 8: Two MQM-A activists are killed by unidentified gunmen in Karachi.


    November 11: Six MQM-A activists are arrested from Sukkur for their alleged involvement in the November 6-bomb blast.


    November 6: Bomb explodes at the Karachi marketing office of the Jang group of newspapers. MQM-A cadre Iqbal Macha is prime suspect for the attack.


    October 29: MQM-A demands amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan.


    October 25: An MQM-A activist is killed by unidentified gunmen in Karachi.


    October 2: News report says 1,105 activists and supporters of MQM-A are in official custody and a committee would review all the cases.
    Government calls for a report from the High Commission in India on the visit of an MQM- A delegation to that country.


    September 21: An MQM-A worker is killed at a Karachi playground.


    July 9: An MQM-A activist in police custody, in Karachi, states that the top-leadership of the party has directed him to kill 28 fellow cadres for their suspected involvement in various crimes.


    July 4: A Karachi court issues arrest warrants against an MQM-A woman leader, Nasreen Jalil, and some other activists on charges of rioting and obstructing police in performing their duties.


    March 30: MQM-A convenor Imran Farooq alleges that a Pakistan Army officer had formed groups in connivance with Karachi police to kill MQM-A cadres.


    February 28: Widespread violence is reported in Karachi following a strike call given by Jeay Sindh Quami Mahaz and the MQM-A outfit to protest sacking of staff from the state-run Pakistan Steel as well as for the police ill-treating party supporters.


    January 17: Nine persons are killed and 25 others injured in a bomb explosion in Karachi. Police blame the MQM-A for the act and claim that 16 terrorists linked to the outfit have been arrested. MQM (A) denies the charge.


    1999


    November 26: Senior MQM-A leader Farooq Sattar is arrested after surrendering to the Military Intelligence.


    September 9: MQM-A secretary general Imran Farooq surfaces in London after being in hiding for seven years and claims his life is in danger in Pakistan.


    August 1: Seven MQM-A office-bearers, including a Member of the National Assembly, and two Members of the Sindh Provincial Assembly, resign from the "basic membership" of the party owing to "fundamental differences with MQM chief Altaf Hussain over policy matters".


    July 18: MQM-A announces international hunger strike and protests inside and outside Pakistan to protest the "extra-judicial killings" of its cadres.


    January 30: Three Urdu newspapers, Jang, Amn, and Parcham, are charged with sedition for carrying an MQM-A advertisement seeking donations for "victims of police excesses" and to compensate those "killed, tortured or victimised by the police and other security agencies during their crackdown against the party".


    January 24: UK grants political asylum and residency to MQM-A chairman Altaf Hussain. Pakistan lodges protest.


    1998


    October 31: Following the MQM-A’s refusal to meet the Prime Minister’s deadline, Federal rule is imposed in Sindh and a massive crackdown is launched by security agencies.


    October 28: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharief accuses an MQM-A Member of the Sindh Provincial Assembly (MPA) and seven other activists of involvement in the murder of Hakim Saeed. Sharief sets a three-day deadline on the outfit to hand-over the assassins, failing which he threatens to call -off the alliance.


    October 17: Former Sindh Governor Hakim Mohd Saeed is assassinated by alleged MQM-A terrorists.


    September 20: MQM-A decides to resume support to Pakistan Muslim League at Federal level and in Sindh without joining the Ministry.


    August 26: MQM-A resigns from the ruling coalition in Sindh province.


    August 14: MQM-A Ministers in the Federal Cabinet resign protesting the government’s failure to protect the outfit’s activists.


    August 12: 10 MQM-A activists are killed by unidentified gunmen.


    June : 140 persons are killed during various instances of ethnic violence.


    April 30: Sindh Chief Minister Liaquat Jatoi withdraws all cases filed against MQM-A Legislators.


    April 18: MQM-A announces the continuation of the alliance with Pakistan Muslim League in Sindh.


    March 21: Six persons, including MQM-H leader Imtiaz Ahmed Khan and two relatives, are killed by unidentified gunmen in Karachi.
    Federal government asks Sindh government to furnish details on steps being taken to counter MQM-H imposed ‘no-go’ areas.


    March 19: MQM-A extends ultimatum to one month.


    March 17: MQM-A serves a 48-hour ultimatum on the Sindh Chief Minister to ensure the removal of ‘no-go areas’ in Karachi––areas that are the strongholds of the MQM-H.


    February 28: 100 MQM-H members are arrested in crackdown launched after the February 22- Korangi-attack.


    February 22: Eight civilians are killed outside a mosque at Korangi, Karachi, in MQM factional rivalry.


    February 1: Sindh High Court acquits Altaf Hussain and 18 co-accused in the case of the abduction of an Army officer.


    January 10: Three persons, including a woman, are killed and five more injured in indiscriminate firing during MQM factions’ clash.


    1997


    October 2: Three persons are killed in factional rivalry in Karachi.


    September 27: MQM-H asks the British government to deport Altaf Hussain from London.


    August 14: MQM-A opposes legislation on terrorism.


    July 26: MQM-A renames itself as Muttahida Qaumi Mahaz.


    July 9: Three MQM-A workers are arrested on Pakistan-Afghanistan border.


    July 6: Four persons are killed in MQM-A violence in Karachi.


    June 18 : Government invites MQM-A for talks.


    June 17: Four persons are killed in factional rivalry in Karachi.
    Altaf Hussain asks workers to close down all the liaison offices of the party.


    June 10: 12 persons are killed in wave of violence in Karachi, allegedly perpetrated by MQM-A activists.


    May 4: 70 MQM-H activists are arrested in Karachi


    May 2: 500 MQM-H activists are arrested in Karachi


    April 16: Two MQM-H activists are killed by MQM-A in Karachi.


    April 12: Three MQM-H workers are killed and another injured in separate attacks by activistrs of the rival MQM-A in Karachi.


    April 1: Sindh government announces formation of a Compensation Committee to review cases of compensation for persons and families and their legal heirs affected during the period October 1993 to November 1997.


    February : MQM-A concludes an accord with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharief and joins the coalition government at the Federal-level and in Sindh. In the accord, Sharief agrees to institute a judicial probe into the allegedly deaths of MQM-A supporters in police custody or encounters or attacks by terrorists; he also agrees to grant compensation to the families of the deceased.


    January 20: MQM-A National Assembly candidate from Rahim Yar Khan Javed Mazari is arrested along with another cadre.


    January 18: Sindh government grants parole and releases MQM-A senators Aftab Ahmed Sheikh and Nasreen Jalil.


    1996


    October 10: United States Immigration and Naturalization Services (INS) refuses to grant asylum to three senior MQM-A leaders, including senior vice chairman Saleem Shahzad.


    October 5: Over two dozen MQM activists are arrested following a series of different encounters in different places in Karachi.


    August 21: Hafiz Osama Qadri, MQM-A leader and former member of the Sindh Provincial Assembly, is arrested.


    June 16: Karachi police arrest MQM-A cadres Azhar Sayyan––wanted in more than 50 cases––and Naseem Pajama, wanted in 27 cases.


    June 1: Two MQM-A terrorists are arrested in Karachi.


    April 12: MQM-A delegation goes to Geneva for United Nations Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) session.


    April 10: MQM-A cadre Nadeem Chita, carrying reward of Rs one million, is arrested from Azizabad, Karachi.


    April 9: Four MQM-A cadres, allegedly involved in 13 cases of murder, six cases of abduction and several other crimes, are arrested in Multan.


    April 2: Shamim Ahmed, MQM-A leader and Minister in the Sindh government announces the formation of another MQM faction.


    March 5: Two abducted persons are rescued from MQM-A cadres in Karachi.


    February 28: Three MQM-A workers reportedly confess of a plot to kill religious leaders with the assistance of a sectarian group.


    February 1: MQM-A leader, Ajmal Dehlvi warns government that the outfit would disrupt World Cup cricket matches to be held in Pakistan.


    Four MQM activists are arrested in Saudi Arabia.


    January 29: MQM-A demands reconstitution of the government team conducting negotiations with the outfit.


    January 17: Federal government grants Rs. 500 thousand for a proposed library being built by the MQM-A.


    Rockets are fired at MQM-H headquarters in Landhi. MQM-H chief Afaq Khan accuses the rival MQM-A for this attack.


    January 4: MQM team meets US Ambassador to Pakistan Johan Rolzeman.


    January 3: Three civilians are killed during an MQM-organised strike in Karachi.


    MQM-A lays down new conditions for talks with the Federal government.


    1995


    September 8: Five MQM-A activists are arrested in Karachi.


    August 15: Top MQM-A activist Tariq ‘Commando’ is arrested in Karachi.


    August 6: Top MQM-A activist Fahim ‘Commando’ and three of his associates are arrested in Karachi.


    August 3: In retaliation to the August 2-killing of top MQM-A cadres, 24 persons, including a Sub-divisional Magistrate, are killed in Karachi.


    August 2: Top MQM-A terrorist Farooq ‘Dada’ and three of his associates are killed in Karachi.


    July 17: Federal government and MQM-A agree to refrain from making provocative statements.


    July 11: Talks begin between the Federal government and MQM-A.


    July 5, 6, 13 & 24: 10 MQM-A activists are killed and six more arrested in a series of raids on MQM-A bases in Karachi. A large cache of arms and ammunition is seized.


    July: MQM-A announces weekly strikes on Friday and Saturday until its demands for more rights are met. Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto responds and says MQM-A’s violence is aimed at carving out a separate Province for more than eight million Mohajirs living in Karachi and Hyderabad


    June: 10 Sindhi-speaking officials are killed by alleged MQM-A activists in Karachi.


    MQM-A activists attack police and civilian targets employing guns, rocket and bombs in Karachi.


    June 24: A train carrying arms for SFs is looted and burnt down by MQM-A activists.


    June 15: 24 persons, including 10 Sindhis, are killed in Karachi.


    June 4: 10 persons are killed by MQM-A activists.


    May 22: MQM-A observes Mourning Day.


    May 18: 15 persons are killed in terrorist attacks in several parts of Karachi.


    May 5: US Embassy announces that issuing visas from Karachi would be stopped because of the prevalence of terrorist violence in the city.


    1994


    November 11: Indiscriminate firing by suspected MQM-A gunmen kills eight persons, including an Air Force officer in Karachi.


    September 26: Three MQM-A activists are arrested and a large cache of weapons is seized in several raids on their hideouts in Karachi.


    September 17: Eight persons are killed in indiscriminate firing allegedly by MQM-A gunmen.


    August 8: Altaf loyalists in Karachi allegedly kill a top-MQM-H leader.


    July 13: Six persons are killed in an attack on a bus in Karachi.


    June: Altaf Hussain and 19 other MQM members sentenced in absentia by a Karachi court to 27 years imprisonment for abducting and torturing an Army intelligence officer, Major Kaleem, and his four associates in June 1991.


    June 28: Suspected MQM-A activists kill seven police personnel, including an officer who had arrested several MQM-A gunmen.


    June 20: A court in Karachi issues non-bailable warrants against Altaf Hussain in connection with the murder of a Senator in May 1990.


    June 4: MQM-A releases Charter of Demands.


    March 6: Suspected MQM-A activists kill five security force (SF) personnel, including an Army Captain, in Karachi.


    1993


    May 1: Azim Tariq is killed allegedly by MQM-A cadres.


    February 10: 13 persons are killed in a bomb attack in Karachi.


    1992


    November 27: MQM-A Chairman Azim Tariq comes over-ground and disowns Altaf Hussain.


    July 19: Sindh Chief Minister disassociates himself from MQM-A.


    June 29: MQM-A members resign their seats in the Federal and Sindh assemblies.


    June: MQM dissidents led by Afaq Ahmed and Aamir Khan formally launch the Haqiqi (real) MQM, subsequently known by its sobriquet MQM (H).


    June 27: MQM-A breaks away from the ruling alliance at the Federal level.


    June 22: Cases are filed against 13 MQM-A leaders, including Altaf Hussain.


    June 19: Army is deployed in Karachi and curfew is declared to prevent factional clashes within MQM.


    May 28: Federal government launches military operation against "dacoits and terrorists" in Sindh.


    May 19: The Altaf Hussain faction of MQM clashes with rebels in the party and a series of killings and abductions follow.


    January 1: Altaf Hussain leaves for London on a self-imposed exile.


    1991


    October 1: Prominent journalist Mohammad Salahuddin’s house is bombed allegedly by MQM activists in Karachi


    March 3: MQM leader Badar Iqbal is expelled from the party for financial embezzlement


    February 21: Federal government postpones indefinitely the process of collecting population census.


    April 30: Two Japanese students allegedly abducted by MQM activists for ransom are released after 45 days in captivity.


    February : 14 persons are killed and 26 more inured in separate incidents of violence.


    January 3: The Jam Sadiq-led MQM government in Sindh decides to set up four special courts.


    1990


    August 22: 27 persons are killed and 55 more injured in firing on MQM camps in Karachi.


    July 13: 45 persons are killed in a bomb blast in Hyderabad.


    June 6: President Ishaq Khan proposes all-party conference on Sindh situation. MQM refuses to participate.


    May 9-10: 16 persons are killed in Karachi violence.


    April 17-30: 11 persons are killed in Hyderabad violence


    April 12: MQM rejects government’s offer for peace talks.


    April 7: Altaf Hussain commences fast-unto-death.


    March 31: Karachi University reopens.


    February 6-9: 64 persons are killed during an MQM-organised anti-government demonstration in Karachi.


    January 30 –February 3: 18 persons are killed in anti-government demonstrations in Hyderabad.


    1989


    December 12-25: 21 persons are killed in Hyderabad violence and nine others in Karachi.


    October 23: MQM unilaterally pulls out of the Karachi Accord and quits the ruling coalition at the Federal level.


    October 13: Two police officers are killed, even as Altaf Hussain meets President Ghulam Ishaq Khan in Karachi.


    September 22: Sindh Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police says MQM is a terrorist outfit and not a political organisation.


    September 17-19: Nine persons are killed and 24 others injured during riots in Hyderabad


    August 19: 11 persons, including a police personnel, are killed by alleged MQM gunmen in Karachi


    August 13: Seven persons are killed by suspected MQM gunmen in Karachi.


    July 16-23: 10 persons are killed in violence in Hyderabad.


    June 1: Three Federal Ministers meet MQM leaders in a bid to save Karachi Accord.


    May 30: Talks are held between the then Punjab Chief Minister, Nawaz Sharief and Altaf Hussain for political co-operation.


    May 1: Three MQM Ministers resign from the Sindh provincial government.


    April 6: 10 persons are killed and 40 others wounded in incidents of firing in Hyderabad.


    March 18: 10 persons are killed and 15 others injured by unidentified gunmen in Karachi.


    February 23: Karachi University vice-chancellor’s office is burnt down by suspected MQM cadres.


    1988


    December: Benazir Bhutto is elected Prime Minister with support from the MQM. MQM joins the coalition government at the Federal level and in Sindh.


    November: General Elections held in Pakistan following Gen. Zia’s death. Benazir Bhutto’s Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) concludes a political accord with the MQM, known popularly as the Karachi Accord, to contest jointly.


    October 1: Suspected MQM activists kill 90 Sindhis in separate attacks in Karachi.


    August 30: MQM activists kill a Karachi University student.


    July 21: Women MQM activists storm a Karachi police station and free 18 arrested persons.


    July 17: Karachi Mayor Aftab Sheikh is attacked. Eight persons are killed in riots that followed.


    June 18: Six persons are killed in violence in Hyderabad


    April 30- May 9: 31 persons are killed in Karachi street violence.


    March 1: Four persons are killed and several others injured during violence in Karachi.


    February 4: Six persons are killed in violence in Karachi


    January 18: Four persons are killed in clashes between MQM and PPI activists.


    January 10: Five persons are killed in stabbing and other incidents of violence; several others are injured in Karachi. The Army is called in.


    1987


    November: MQM wins a majority of seats at the local-level elections in Karachi and Hyderabad, and emerges successful in other urban areas of Sindh.


    October 31: Two persons are killed and 85 others injured in violence during an MQM-strike in Karachi. Senior police officials are injured in violence in Hyderabad.


    September 29: MQM spokesperson says party regards Khan Abdul Wali Khan and Abdul Ghaffar Khan as the true representatives of Pukhtoons.


    August 30: Altaf Hussain courts arrest in Karachi.


    August 28: Sindh government orders arrest of August 26-rioteers. 160 persons, including leaders of the PPI, are arrested but Altaf Hussain escapes.


    August 26: Nine persons are killed and 80 others injured in Karachi riots.


    July 22 - August 30: 22 persons killed and 300 others injured in clashes between MQM and a rival group, Punjabi-Pukhtoon Ittehad (PPI). Besides, five police personnel are killed and 38 others injured during riots in this period.


    June 21: MQM Chairman calls for boycott of Jang for its "anti-Mohajir policy". The newspaper’s office in Hyderabad is burnt down.


    May 21: One person killed in riots over the arrest of MQM workers in Karachi.


    February 20-21: 16 persons injured in street violence in Karachi.


    January 31: Altaf Hussain says in Liaquatabad that Mohajirs "will have to arrange for their own security"


    1986


    December 20: MQM Chairman Azim Ahmad Tariq demands justice for Mohajirs and advises Pakistan President Zia-ul Haq to issue arms licenses.


    December 14: 50 persons killed in Karachi; The Army is called-in and curfew declared.


    December 9: One person killed and 40 injured during clashes following MQM’s call for strike in Karachi.


    November 21: 30 persons injured in firing in Karachi.


    November 18: MQM cadres fire in the air and disrupt a cricket match at Hyderabad’s Niaz Stadium.


    November 3: 10 persons killed in hand-grenade attacks and six others in street violence in Karachi.


    November 2: Altaf Hussain and 10 other leaders are arrested on charges of attempt to murder and rioting. 72 other activists arrested with arms and explosives in different areas of Karachi.


    October 31: 12 persons killed during riots in Karachi. Riots spread to Hyderabad where seven persons are killed.


    October 25: Altaf Hussain says in Hyderabad, Sindh, that Mohajir youth should "collect arms. If our rights are not given to us, we will use every kind of force".


    August 8: MQM’s first public meeting at Karachi's Nishtar park is marked by aerial firing, street violence and damage of public property.


    1984


    March 18: Mohajir Quomi Movement (MQM) is launched.


    1978


    Altaf Hussain founds the All Pakistan Mohajir Students Organisation (APMSO) in Karachi.


    Source: http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/terroristoutfits/MQM.htm


    Karachi is hub of MQM [Mutihida/Muhajir Qomi Movement]. According to the census of 1998, in Karachi; Urdu speakers [Muhajir] make up 48% of the population, Punjabis 14%, Pashtuns 12%, Balochis and Sindhi together ...

    http://pakistan-posts.blogspot.com/2013/05/altaf-hussain-mqm-politics-2-urdu.html


    Altaf Hussain -  MQM & Pakistan Politics - Analysis: http://goo.gl/6A0gf