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Islam and modernism in Pakistan

Illustration by Abro

The idea of ‘Islamic Modernism’ held sway in Pakistan until the mid-1970s but disappeared soon after. In Questioning the Authority of the Past historian Dr Ali Usman Qasimi explains how from 1947 till about the mid-1970s, the state and subsequent governments consciously kept the ulema away from directly influencing government legislation.

Usmani adds that this was not due to the fact that those who ran the state and governments between the mentioned years were secular. Instead, their idea of faith and its role in the formation of Pakistani nationalism was different from those held by the ulema and the clerics.

The civil-military establishment which was at the helm of state and government affairs from 1947 till the early 1970s was an extension of the idea of faith and Muslim nationalism developed and evolved by the likes of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Syed Amir Ali, Chiragh Ali, Ahmaduddin Amritsari, Muhammad Iqbal, Ghulam Ahmad Parvez, Dr Khalifa Abdul Hakim, and to a certain extent, Dr Fazalur Rehman Malik.

These scholars were the main shapers of ‘Islamic Modernism’ in South Asia. As an idea it encouraged the acquirement of universal sciences and philosophies to facilitate a rational, practical and informed reading of Islam’s holy scriptures beyond the ‘dated’ interpretations penned by ancient ulema or contemporary clerics.

From the mid-19th to the mid-20th centuries, these scholars, through hefty scholarly treatises and philosophical discourses, urged the snatching away of matters of faith from the clutches of clerics and ‘dogmatic ulema.’

They advocated addressing the faith’s ‘stagnant’ and ‘retrogressive’ state through modern scholarly, scientific and cultural means so that its ‘true form’ (which was vibrant and supple) could be brought back to life. To them this recouped form was to become the engine empowering the rejuvenation of South Asia’s Muslims into becoming an enlightened and dynamic polity.

The founders of Pakistan led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah were very much a part and parcel of this narrative and of the evolving tradition of Islamic Modernism in South Asia.

For example, just a few months after the country’s creation in August 1947, Jinnah green-lighted the creation of the Institute for the Reconstruction of Islam (IRI) headed by the celebrated Jewish-journalist-turned-Muslim-scholar, Muhammad Asad.


Ishtiaq Ahmad in 1987’s The Concept of Islamic State quotes IRI’s first scholarly initiative as a detailed treatise which suggested that “no specific form of government had been prescribed by Muslim scriptures and it was up to the Muslims of every age to agree on one that suits their conditions.” The report emphasised that no matter what form of government Muslims decide to enact, it needed to be run on one of the central Islamic principles of “socio-economic justice.”

Even though the 1949 Objectives Resolution passed by the Constituent Assembly declared that Pakistan was to become an ‘Islamic Republic’, Usmani reminds his readers that the Resolution did not envision any special authority for the ulema.

In 1950, the government set up the Iqbal Academy whose first initiative was a monograph Iqbal and the Mullah authored by Dr Khalifa Hakim. The monograph pointed out the differences of the idea of faith advocated by Iqbal and those held by the “reactionary clerics.” The monograph was also distributed to the people by the military during its operation against the 1953 anti-Ahmadiyya riots in the Punjab.

The Pakistani nationalist narrative driven by the precepts of Islamic Modernism peaked in the 1960s during the Ayub Khan regime (1958-69). After taking power, he wrote in his diary (segments of which were published in his 1967 autobiography), that to make Islam a force of progress and unity (in Pakistan), it needed to be rescued from the influence of clerics and “retrogressive ulema.”

Though till then the ulema did not have any significant influence on legislative matters, Ayub further neutralised them by bringing all mosques and shrines under state control. This move was suggested and encouraged by Dr Javed Iqbal, the scholar-son of Allama Iqbal.

Then, on the advice of Dr Fazalur Rehman Malik, Ayub also attempted to get a single, government-approved sermon authored for Friday prayers which was to be read in all mosques.

Through some anti-traditionalist legislation and advocacy institutions that were navigated by staunch Islamic Modernists, Ayub continued to frustrate all attempts by ulema and clerics to enter the mainstream of policy formation.

In 1967, the regime launched an ambitious project to “impart modern education to the clerics so they could become more productive members of the society.”

In the late 1960s, with the economy sliding, Ayub began facing severe opposition from right-wing religious groups as well as from the left. In 1969, he was forced out by a largely left-oriented uprising.

The Islamic Modernist narrative lingered on until it began to erode during the Z.A. Bhutto regime’s populist rightward shift in the mid-1970s. It was then entirely discarded by the Zia dictatorship.

The more ulema-centred narrative and paradigm created by Zia lasted beyond his demise in 1988. Presented and legislated as an alternative to the floundering idea of Islamic Modernism, it eventually mutated and became a highly polarising and even anarchic entity, eventually plunging the state and society into an exhaustive quagmire.

One now wonders, would the state of the country have been better today had Islamic Modernism been allowed to evolve beyond the 1970s?

Smokers' corner: Curbing the mullah - By NADEEM F. PARACHA
https://www.dawn.com/news/1329822/smokers-corner-curbing-the-mullah
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CPEC - Watch-out ! No Free lunch

Image result for cpec map

Train to China


THERE is a fear lurking in the shadows of CPEC that a time will soon come when the Chinese will start dictating terms and priorities rather than negotiating them. As an increasing number of Chinese enterprises acquire stakes in Pakistan’s economy, and as the government takes out more and more loans from Chinese state-owned banks for balance of payments support, the space to negotiate and protect our own interests diminishes. Perhaps we have seen a glimpse of what this entails in the recent discussions around the financing arrangements for the $8bn project for the Peshawar-Karachi railway line, when the Chinese insisted they would not share the project with the Asian Development Bank and wanted to implement it on their own. According to Ahsan Iqbal, the minister for planning and development, who oversaw the negotiations, the Chinese “strongly argued that two-sourced financing would create problems and the project would suffer”. So the government gave in to the ‘strongly argued’ position.
If the merits of single-source financing for this project had been evident, it would not have been double-sourced to begin with — and would certainly not have to be ‘strongly argued’ by anyone. Whatever the merits of the two options, the fact that the Chinese were able to push for full control of the project, and prevail, shows that the power of the government to stand its own ground in any engagement is weakening. This is worrisome because the long-term plan for CPEC envisages far greater entry of Chinese capital, both private and state-owned, into almost every sector of Pakistan’s economy, than what most people realise. The amount of leverage that the Chinese will acquire over Pakistan in the years to come will grow exponentially, and there will be many more moments when positions that are ‘strongly argued’ will need to be equally strongly negotiated in order to protect our own enterprises and economic priorities.
So, naturally, all eyes are watching carefully to see how the early phase of this massive undertaking rolls out. The government needs to do more to assure nervous minds that Pakistan’s interests will be strongly pursued as well, and where necessary, the engagement can be halted if it is not perceived to be putting Pakistan’s interests first. Thus far, that assurance has been absent, and we are moving forward with little to no public awareness about what exactly we are getting entangled in. One way for the government to reassure the country that the growing engagement will safeguard Pakistan’s interests is to make the long-term plan public, especially now that we are told it has been finalised. Putting public approval behind itself is the best way for the government to strengthen its own negotiating position. Let CPEC be the train to prosperity for both countries, and let them ride it together.
Published in Dawn, April 30th, 2017
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13 damning remarks made by Justice Khosa on Panamagate


Below are excerpts from the dissenting notes of the Supreme Court’s Panamagate case, written by Justice Asif Saeed Khosa.
"
پاناما گیٹ فیصلہ: جسٹس آصف کھوسہ کے ریمارکس

سپریم کورٹ کے لارجر بینچ کی جانب سے سنائے گئے پاناما لیکس کے فیصلے میں جسٹس آصف سعید کھوسہ کے اختلافی نوٹ کے چند اقتباسات درج ذیل ہیں۔

جسٹس آصف سعید کھوسہ 5 رکنی بینچ کی سربراہی کر رہے تھے اور فیصلے میں ججز کی رائے 2:3 میں تقسیم رہی۔

1۔ جسٹس کھوسہ نے ’دی گاڈ فادر‘ کے قول سے آغاز کیا

پاناما کیس کے تفصیلی فیصلے کے آغاز میں جسٹس آصف سعید کھوسہ نے 1969 کے ماریو پوزو کے مشہور ناول ’دی گاڈ فادر‘ کا ذکر کرتے ہوئے لکھا، ’ہر عظیم قسمت کے پیچھے ایک جرم ہوتا ہے۔‘

جسٹس کھوسہ نے کہا کہ ’یہ ایک طنز اور سرار اتفاق ہے کہ موجودہ کیس بھی بالزاک کی اسی بات کے گرد گھومتا ہے۔‘

2۔ دیگر اداروں نے نواز شریف کے خلاف تحقیقات سے انکار کیا یا ناکام ہوئے

جسٹس آصف سعید کھوسہ کا کہنا تھا کہ ’ان درخواستوں کو عدالت نے اس لیے سننے کا فیصلہ کیا کیونکہ ملک کے دیگر متعلقہ اداروں، جیسا نے قومی احتساب بیورو، وفاقی تحقیقاتی ادارے، اسٹیٹ بینک آف پاکستان اور فیڈر بورڈ آف ریونیو اور سیکیورٹیز اینڈ ایکسچینج کمیشن آف پاکستان اور قومی اسمبلی کے اسپیکر بدقسمتی سے یا تو معاملے کی تحقیقات میں ناکام رہے یا انہوں نے اس سے انکار کیا، جبکہ انہوں نے نواز شریف کے خلاف یہ معاملہ الیکشن کمیشن آف پاکستان کو بھی نہیں بھیجا۔‘

3۔ عدالت عظمیٰ نے معاملہ اس لیے اٹھایا،تاکہ وزیر اعظم کو کھلی چھٹی نہ ملے

بینچ کے سربراہ نے کہا کہ ’اگر عدالت میں صرف اس لیے معاملے میں دلچسپی نہ لے کیونکہ اس میں حقائق جاننے کے لیے چند متنازع اور پیچیدہ سوالات شامل ہیں، تو یہ پیغام جائے گا کہ اگر ملک کا طاقتور اور تجربہ کار وزیر اعظم اپنے وفاداروں کو تمام متعلقہ اداروں کا سربراہ نامزد کرتا ہے، جو کرپشن کے الزامات کی تحقیقات کے ذمہ دار ہیں تو ایسی تحقیقات یا انکوائری میں وفادار وزیر اعظم کو احتساب سے مستثنیٰ کردیں گے۔‘

’یہ کہا جاتا ہے کہ آپ کتنے بھی بڑے آدمی بن جائیں قانون آپ سے بڑا ہی رہتا ہے، جمہوری، احتساب اور قانون کی حکمرانی کی اسی روح کے مطابق ہی یہ عدالت وفاق کے وزیر اعظم یا چیف ایگزیکٹو کو کھلی چھٹی نہیں دے سکتی اور وہ بھی صرف اس لیے کہ اس کا کوئی علاج نہیں ہے یا کرپشن کے الزامات کی تحقیقات نہیں کی جاسکتیں جو نواز شریف کے خلاف لگائے گئے ہیں۔‘

4۔ نواز شریف دیانتدار نہیں رہے

جسٹس آصف سعید کھوسہ کا کہنا تھا کہ ’یہ ثابت نہیں کیا جاسکا کہ کیسے اور کن وسائل کے ذریعے مدعا علیہ کے والد نے اتفاق فاؤنڈریز کی نیشنلائزیشن کے 18 ماہ کے اندر 6 نئی فیکٹریاں کیسے قائم کیں، بالخصوص تب جب یہ بتایا جاچکا ہے کہ مدعا علیہ کے بڑوں کی تمام جمع پونجی کا نام و نشان تک مٹ چکا تھا۔‘

’یہ بات بھی انتہائی قابل غور ہے کہ اس تقریر میں یہ بلکل واضح نہیں کیا گیا کہ دبئی میں بھی ایک فیکٹری قائم کی گئی جسے 1980 میں فروخت کیا گیا۔ تقریر میں مکہ کے قریب فیکٹری کے قیاما کے لیے دستیاب یا حاصل کیے جانے والے فنڈز کی تفصیلات بھی بلکل نہیں بتائی گئیں۔‘

’نواز شریف نے یہ دعویٰ بھی کیا کہ وہ جو کہہ رہے ہیں وہ سچے حقائق ہیں، تاہم حقیقت میں ایسا نہیں ہے اور بدقسمتی سے نواز شریف نے اس وقت سچائی بیان کرنے میں کفایت شعاری سے کام لیا۔‘

5۔ لندن کی جائیدادیں کیسے حاصل کی گئیں؟

’تقریر میں یہ بلکل واضح نہیں کیا گیا کہ لندن میں متعلقہ 4 جائیدادیں کیسے حاصل کی گئیں اور نواز شریف نے اُس موقع پر یہ بلکل نہیں بتایا کہ ان کا ان جائیدادوں کی ملکیت سے کوئی لینا دینا نہیں ہے یا ان جائیدادوں کو حاصل کرنے کے لیے ان کا کوئی پیسہ استعمال نہیں ہوا۔‘ جسٹس کھوسہ کے مطابق ’22 اپریل 2016 کو نواز شریف نے اس معاملے پر ایک بار پھر قوم سے خطاب کیا، لیکن اس میں بھی یہ وضاحت نہیں کی گئی کہ لندن میں یہ جائیدادیں کیسے حاصل کی گئیں۔

6۔ وزیراعظم کے پہلے یا دوسرے خطاب میں دبئی فیکٹری کا ذکر نہیں

’16 مئی 2016 کو وزیر اعظم نے قومی اسمبلی میں تحریری تقریر کی جسے ٹیلی وژن اور ریڈیو پر براہ راست نشر کیا گیا۔ اگر اس تقریر کا باریک بینی سے جائزہ لیا جائے تو معلوم ہوتا ہے کہ مدعا علیہ نے یہاں دبئی میں فیکٹری کی تعمیر اور اس کی فروخت کا ذکر کیا، لیکن معاملے پر قوم سے اپنے پہلے یا دوسرے خطاب میں وزیر اعظم نے اس کا کوئی ذکر نہیں کیا۔

’حالیہ تقریر میں مدعا علیہ نے کہا کہ 1999 میں ان کے خاندان کے کاروبار کا پورا ریکارڈ انتظامیہ نے اپنے قبضے میں کر لیا اور کئی بار کی درخواستوں کے باوجود انہیں وہ ریکارڈ واپس نہیں دیا گیا، لیکن بعد ازاں اسی تقریر میں وزیر اعظم کا دوٹوک الفاظ میں کہنا تھا کہ دبئی اور جدہ فیکٹریوں سے متعلق تمام ریکارڈ اور دستاویزات موجود ہے جسے کسی بھی کمیٹی یا فورم کے سامنے پیش کیا جاسکتا ہے۔



Justice Khosa headed the five member bench which was split 2:3 in its verdict.

1. Justice Khosa opened with a quote from The Godfather.

“The popular 1969 novel ‘The Godfather’ by Mario Puzo recounted the violent tale of a Mafia family and the epigraph selected by the author was fascinating: Behind every great fortune there is a crime. — Balzac”

The judgement continues: “The novel was a popular sensation which was made into an acclaimed film. It is believed that this epigraph was inspired by a sentence that was written by Honoré de Balzac… as follows:

(The secret of a great success for which you are at a loss to account is a crime that has never been found out, because it was properly executed)

It is ironical and a sheer coincidence that the present case revolves around that very sentence attributed to Balzac...”

Justice Khosa later added:

"I may, therefore, be justified in raising an adverse inference in the matter. The fortune amassed by respondent No. 1 is indeed huge and no plausible or satisfactory explanation has been advanced in that regard. Honoré de Balzac may after all be right when he had said that behind every great fortune for which one is at a loss to account there is a crime."

"In the above mentioned sorry and unfortunate state of affairs a conclusion has appeared to me to be unavoidable and inescapable that in the matter of explaining the wealth and assets respondent No. 1 has not been honest to the nation, to the nation’s representatives in the National Assembly and even to this Court."

2. He said other institutions failed or refused to probe Nawaz

“These petitions had been entertained by this Court in the backdrop of an unfortunate refusal/failure on the part of all the relevant institutions in the country like the National Accountability Bureau, the Federal Investigation Agency, the State Bank of Pakistan, the Federal Board of Revenue, the Securities and Exchange Commission of Pakistan and the Speaker of the National Assembly to inquire into or investigate the matter or to refer the matter to the Election Commission of Pakistan against respondent No. 1 [Nawaz Sharif].”

3. He said the court took up the case so a PM could not have a ‘field day’

“If this Court stops short of attending to the issue merely because it involves some disputed or intricate questions of fact then the message being sent would be that if a powerful and experienced Prime Minister of the country appoints his loyalists as heads of all the relevant institutions in the country which can inquire into or investigate the allegations of corruption, then a brazen blocking of such inquiry or investigation by such loyalists would practically render the Prime Minister immune from touchability or accountability and that surely would be nothing short of a disaster.”

“It is said that how highsoever you may be the law is above you. It is in such spirit of democracy, accountability and rule of law that this Court would not give a Prime Minister/Chief Executive of the Federation a field day merely because no other remedy is available or practicable to inquire into the allegations of corruption, etc. leveled against him or where such inquiry involves ascertainment of some facts.”

4. Khosa said Nawaz was not truthful

“It had not been disclosed as to how and through which resources the respondent’s father had established 6 new factories within 18 months of nationalization of Ittefaq Foundries, especially when statedly the entire savings of the respondent’s elders stood obliterated and wiped out."

“It is also strikingly noticeable that in that speech there was no mention whatsoever of setting up of any factory in Dubai which was sold in 1980. That speech also failed to disclose any detail of the funds available or procured for setting up of the factory near Makkah.”

“It was maintained in that speech that the funds generated through sale of the factory near Makkah were utilized by respondent No. 1’s sons namely Mr. Hassan Nawaz Sharif and Mr. Hussain Nawaz Sharif for setting up their business. It had been maintained by respondent No. 1 that through that speech he had made the entire background of his family’s business clear to his countrymen and that he had informed them about all the important stages of the family’s journey in business. “

“He had proclaimed that what he had disclosed were the “true” facts. I have, however, found that that was not the case and unfortunately respondent No. 1 had economized with the truth on that occasion.”

"Even a layman can appreciate, and one does not have to be a lawman to conclude, that what had been told to the nation, the National Assembly or even this Court about how the relevant properties in London had been acquired was not the truth. A pedestrian in Pakistan Chowk, Dera Ghazi Khan (a counterpart of Lord Denning’s man on the Clapham omnibus) may not have any difficulty in reaching that conclusion."

5. How were London properties acquired?

“There was absolutely no explanation offered in that speech as to how the relevant four properties in London had been acquired and respondent No. 1 had never stated on that occasion that he had no concern with the ownership of those properties or that no money belonging to him had been utilized for their acquisition.

"On April 22, 2016 respondent No. 1 addressed the nation again on the subject on radio and television but that speech did not contain any specific information about the resources or assets of the respondent and his family. Again, no explanation whatsoever was offered in that speech as to how the properties in London had been acquired."

6. Dubai factory was not mentioned in PM’s first or second address

"On May 16, 2016 respondent No. 1 read out a written speech in the National Assembly which was broadcast and telecast live on radio and television and this is what he said on that occasion: [4:19] A careful reading of that speech made by respondent No. 1 shows that it was for the first time that any mention had been made therein by the respondent to setting up and sale of a factory in Dubai as no mention of the same had been made by the respondent in his first or second address to the nation on the issue."

"It had been stated in the latest speech that in the year 1999 the entire record of the family’s business had been taken away by the authorities and the same had not been returned despite repeated requests but later on in the same speech respondent No. 1 had categorically stated that the entire record and documents pertaining to the Dubai and Jeddah factories was available and that such record could be produced before any committee or forum!"

7. Factory in Makkah or Jeddah, asks Khosa

“The first address to the nation mentioned setting up of a steel factory near Makkah but the speech made in the National Assembly referred to a steel factory in Jeddah. In the first address to the nation respondent No. 1 had claimed that the proceeds of sale of the steel factory near Makkah had been utilized by his two sons for setting up their business but in the speech made in the National Assembly he had changed his earlier stance and had maintained that the generated resources had been utilized for “purchase” of the flats in London."

"Even in that speech respondent No. 1 had never stated that he had no concern with the ownership of those properties or that no money belonging to him had been utilized for their acquisition.”

8. PM said the record was available, his lawyer said it wasn’t

"The story about “purchase” of the relevant properties in London had taken yet another turn at a subsequent stage. 78. Although it had specifically and repeatedly been said by respondent No. 1 on the floor of the National Assembly in the above mentioned speech that the entire record relevant to the setting up and sale of the factories in Dubai and Jeddah was available and would be produced whenever required yet when this Court required Mr. Salman Aslam Butt, Sr. ASC, the then learned counsel for respondent No. 1, on December 07, 2016 to produce or show the said record he simply stated that no such record existed or was available and that the statement made by respondent No. 1 in the National Assembly in that respect was merely a “political statement”!"

"It may be pertinent to mention here that in the evening preceding the said stand taken by the learned counsel for respondent No. 1 before this Court an interview was telecast on Geo News television wherein Mr. Haroon Pasha, the chief financial advisor of respondent No. 1 and his family, had stated before the host namely Mr. Shahzeb Khanzada that the entire record about Dubai and Jeddah factories was available and that the said record had been handed over to respondent No. 1’s lawyers and now it was for those lawyers to present it before the Court."

9. Khosa ‘shocked’ by attempt to suppress facts

"In one of his interviews with Mr. Javed Chaudhry on Express News television on March 07, 2016 Mr. Hussain Nawaz Sharif, respondent No. 7, had also categorically maintained that the entire record pertaining to acquisition of the four properties in London was available with the family and the same would be produced before any court looking into the matter. Such state of affairs has been found by me to be nothing but shocking as it tends to be an attempt to suppress the relevant facts and the truth and to mislead the Court. Mr. Haroon Pasha and Mr. Hussain Nawaz Sharif have never denied or contradicted the contents of the above mentioned interviews."

"There may be many definitions of the word ‘honest’ but deliberate withholding or suppression of truth is not one of them and the same is in fact an antithesis of honesty. I am, therefore, constrained to declare that respondent No. 1 has not been honest to the nation, to the representatives of the nation in the National Assembly and to this Court in the matter of explaining possession and acquisition of the relevant four properties in London."

10. Story about Qatar business was an afterthought

"Even the story about investment in real estate business in Qatar and the subsequent settlement of that business was also, thus, nothing but an afterthought. It may also be pertinent to mention here that in his three speeches mentioned above and also in his concise statements submitted before this Court respondent No. 1 had never said a word about any investment by his father in any real estate business in Qatar and funds generated through a settlement of that investment being utilized for acquisition of the properties in London whereas through their concise statements submitted before this Court by his children that was the only source of funds through which the said properties had been acquired in the name of respondent No. 7 namely Mr. Hussain Nawaz Sharif."

11. Hassan Nawaz was rolling in money: Khosa

"All those businesses of respondent No. 8 (Hassan Nawaz) were going on and the said respondent was rolling in money in England for many years before June 2005 when, according to respondent No. 1 (Nawaz Sharif), the sale proceeds of the factory in Jeddah had been given to his sons for setting up their business. Nothing has been produced by respondent No. 1 before this Court to rebut the above mentioned documents based upon the British public record."

12. Story about Al-Thani family lost credibility

"That story about investment in the real estate business of Al-Thani family in Qatar has taken many turns in this case and has, thus, lost its credibility. In their first concise statement jointly filed by respondent No. 1’s children they had never mentioned that story."

"In their subsequent concise statements they adopted that story as their only story. However, in their last Joint and Further Concise Statement (Civil Miscellaneous Application No. 432 of 2017 filed on January 23, 2017) the sons of respondent No. 1 gave the story another twist. The previous story was about an “investment” made by late Mian Muhammad Sharif in the real estate business of Al-Thani family in Qatar but through their last story advanced through the above mentioned concise statement it was maintained by respondent No. 1’s sons that the proceeds of sale of the factory in Dubai (12 million Dirhams) had been “placed” with Sheikh Jassim Bin Jaber Al-Thani who “retained” the amount with an assurance of just and equitable return."

"According to the latest story there was no investment involved in the matter and the services of a member of Al-Thani family of Qatar had been utilized only for parking of the relevant amount with him, probably as a bank!"

"It appears that close friendship between Al-Thani family of Qatar and respondent No. 1 and his family has stood the test of time. It is proverbial that a friend in need is a friend indeed. Being a foreign dignitary Mr. Hamad Bin Jassim Bin Jaber Al-Thani is held by me in high esteem yet the information about him available on the Internet is unfortunately quite uncharitable."

13. Nawaz and is family have been nothing but evasive: Khosa

"On the basis of the discussion made in the earlier part of this judgment the explanations advanced by respondent No. 1 in respect of the four properties in London and even in respect of his and his family’s businesses and resources have been found by me to be nothing but evasive and the statements made by him in that regard have appeared to me to be contradictory to each other. The explanations advanced by him have also been found by me to have remained utterly unproved through any independent evidence or material and, hence, the same were quite likely to be untrue. Even the children of respondent No. 1 have not been able to bring anything on the record to show that the explanations advanced by respondent No. 1 were or could be true and correct.

.https://www.dawn.com/news/1328158/
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Kon jeeta kon haara? کون جیتا کون ہارا؟





الطاف قمر سابق انسپکٹر جنرل پولیس اپنے تجربات کو دلچسپ انداز میں تحریر کر رہے ہیں -  "کون جیتا کون ہارا؟" اسی سلسلے کی ایک کڑی ہے ، ملاحظہ فرمائیں..  پی ڈی ایف فائل :https://goo.gl/Wmk1sa




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Z A Bhutto - Legacy بھٹو کا ورثہ یا بوجھ


ہم نے اپنی تاریخ کو ہمیشہ مسخ کیا ہے۔ محمد بن قاسم کے حملے سے لے کر مغلیہ خاندان کی حکومت تک ہم نے حقائق کو لوگوں تک پہنچنے ہی نہیں دیا۔ اسی روایت کو ہم اب تک دوہرا رہے ہیں۔ ہم صرف مثبت نکات کو محفوظ کرتے اور منفی نکات کی پردہ پوشی کرتے اور ایک گمراہ کُن رویے کے مُرتکب ہو رہے ہیں۔ ڈاکٹر مبارک احمد سے لے کر پروفیسر کے کے عزیز تک اس بات کا بہت رونا رویا گیا ہے اور اس کے نقصانات سے بھی آگاہ کرنے کی کوشش کی گئی ہے لیکن ہم نے اسے کبھی اہمیت نہیں دی۔ اور ابھی تک اپنے پسندیدہ اشخاص کو ہیرو ہی بنا کر پیش کرتے ہیں اور یہ نہیں دیکھتے کہ آخر وہ بھی بندہ بشر ہی تو تھے اور ان میں بشری خامیاں بھی موجود تھیں۔
یہی کچھ ذوالفقار علی بھٹو کے ساتھ کیا جا رہا ہے حالانکہ جو کچھ اس دور میں ہوتا رہا ہے ہمارے سامنے کی باتیں ہیں اور ابھی انہیں تاریخ کا درجہ بھی حاصل نہیں ہوا ہے ۔یہ وضاحت ضروری ہے کہ میں خود پیپلز پارٹی کا اساسی رکن اور اس کے کئی عہدے بھگتا چکا ہوں اور ان نظریات پر اب تک قائم ہوں جو اس پارٹی کے منشور میں درج تھے‘ لیکن یہ بات ہمیشہ فراموش کر دی جاتی ہے کہ اس نعرے اور نظریات کے خالق بھٹونہیں بلکہ جے اے رحیم ‘ ڈاکٹر مبشر حسن‘ حنیف رامے ،شیخ رشید احمد اور دیگران تھے۔ یہ ترقی پسند نظریات دراصل بھٹو پر تھوپ دیے گئے تھے جن کی وجہ سے انہیں اور پارٹی کو عوام میں مقبولیت حاصل ہوئی ورنہ بھٹو بنیادی طور پر ایک جاگیردارانہ ذہنیت کا مالک تھا اور تکّبر شقی القلبی اور فسطائیت اس کے رگ و ریشے میں کوٹ کوٹ کر بھری ہوئی تھی۔ چنانچہ جو بہیمانہ سلوک اس نے پارٹی کے معماروں کے ساتھ روا رکھا وہ بھی کسی کو بھولا نہیں ہے۔ چنانچہ جو ذلت آمیز سلوک جے اے رحیم کے ساتھ روا رکھا گیا اور حنیف رامے اور افتخار تاری وغیرہ پر شاہی قلعہ میں جو ظلم ڈھائے گئے۔ وہ سب کو یاد ہیں اور پھر اپنے ہی ایک جانثار ملک قاسم اور جماعت اسلامی کے امیر میاں طفیل احمد کے ساتھ جو ناقابل بیان ذلت روا رکھی گئی اس سے کون انکار کر سکتا ہے۔بھٹوکے خلاف قتل کا جو مقدمہ چلا اسے پارٹی کے لوگوں کی طرف سے عدالتی قتل قرار دیا جاتا رہا ہے۔ ہو سکتا ہے یہ قتل بھٹو نے نہ کروایا ہو لیکن جماعت اسلامی کے ڈاکٹر نذیر کا قتل کس کھاتے میں ڈالا جائے گا۔ ہو سکتا ہے کہ سزا یاب ہونے کا یہ شاخسانہ ڈاکٹر نذیر ہی کے قتل کا ہو کیونکہ خدا کی لاٹھی بے آواز ہے اور کسی بھی جرم کے بہانے برس سکتی ہے۔
یہ بھی آنکھوں دیکھی حقیقت ہے کہ پارٹی منشور کے طفیل اقتدار کے مزے لوٹ کر اس نے وہی جاگیردار اپنے اردگرد اکٹھے کر لیے جن نونوں‘ ٹوانوں اور قریشیوں کے خلاف یہ ساری کار گزاری روا رکھی گئی تھی اور شاعر کو یہ کہنا پڑا ؎
ہم نے جدوجہد کرنا تھی ظفرؔ جن کے خلاف
وہ سبھی آ کر ہماری صف میں شامل ہو گئے
اور‘یہ بھی سب نے دیکھا کہ اس کی پھانسی پر کئی پارٹی اکابرین مٹھائیاں تقسیم کرتے پائے گئے۔ عبرت سرائے دہر ہے اور ہم ہیں دوستو۔
پیپلز پارٹی شہیدوں کی جماعت کہلاتی ہے‘ بھٹو کے بعد بینظیر اور مرتضیٰ بھٹو جن میں شامل ہیں۔ بینظیر کی شہادت کا براہ راست فائدہ چونکہ زرداری کو پہنچ رہا تھا اسی لیے ایک تو اس نے اقوام متحدہ کی تحقیقاتی ٹیم کو حقائق تک رسائی حاصل نہ کرنے دی اور اس کے اعلان کے باوجود کہ انہیں بینظیر کے قاتلوں کا پتہ ہے‘ حکومت میں ہونے کے باوجود ان کے خلاف کوئی ایکشن نہ لیا۔ تیسرے شہید مرتضیٰ کے بارے میں بھی شک و شبہ کا راستہ اور کُھرا زرداری ہی تک جاتا ہے جن کی تصویر مرتضیٰ بھٹو نے اپنے کموڈ پر لگا رکھی تھی اور بینظیر وزیر اعظم ہوتے ہوئے بھی اس قتل کا راز نہ کھول سکیں۔بھٹو کے یوم شہادت پر پیپلز پارٹی نے ہر زبان میں چھپنے والے ہر اخبار میں 16صفحے کا رنگین ضمیمہ شائع کرایا ہے۔ یہ اربوں روپیہ آخر کہاں سے آیا ہے۔ اس کا اندازہ لگانے کے لیے بھی سائنسدان ہونا ضروری نہیں۔
ظاہر ہے کہ یہ سب الیکشن کی تیاریاں ہیں جن کا پارٹی کو پورا پورا حق حاصل ہے لیکن یہ بات بڑی آسانی سے فراموش کر دی جاتی ہے کہ 78ء کا الیکشن جس میں بھٹو کو تاریخی کامیابی حاصل ہوئی‘ اس کے پیچھے وہ افراد تھے جو پارٹی بنانے والے تھے اور جن کا ذکر اوپر آ چکا ہے۔ اس الیکشن کا جھنڈا زرداری نے اٹھایا ہوا ہے جس کا اپنا اور دیگر عمائدین کا ٹریک ریکارڈ کوئی خاص قابل رشک نہیں ہے۔ یہ درست ہے کہ مقابلے میں بھی کوئی صوفی نہیں ہیں اور ان کی حالت ان سے بھی بدتر ہے لیکن وہ اقتدار چرانا بلکہ چھیننا تک جانتے ہیں جبکہ پارٹی نے اپنے حالیہ دورِ اقتدار میں صرف ایک کام کیا ہے جو اظہر من الشمس ہے۔ پیسہ پیپلز پارٹی بھی بہت خرچ کر سکتی ہے لیکن اب یہ حربہ خاصی حد تک ناکارہ ہو چکا ہے۔ الیکشن جیتنے کے لیے پیپلز پارٹی کو سب سے پہلے عوام پر اپنا اعتبار قائم کرنا ہو گا اور اس منشور پر ہی بھروسا کرنا ہو گا جس کے طفیل بھٹو نے الیکشن جیتا تھا۔علاوہ ازیں ایسے زعماء جو بے شک اپنی سیٹ کے حصول پر مطمئن ہوں لیکن پارٹی کے لیے ایک بوجھ ہی ثابت ہوں گے۔
پارٹی کو سندھ کارڈ استعمال کرنے کی بجائے سندھ میں اپنی کارگزاری کو بہتر بنانا ہو گا اور کسی حد تک اپنا چہرہ بھی بدلنا ہو گا۔ ڈاکٹر عاصم اور شرجیل میمن جیسے لوگوں سے ملاقاتیں بے فائدہ ثابت ہوں گی۔ پارٹی کو اگر اپنے ترقی پسندانہ ورثے سے دوبارہ فیضاب ہونا ہے تو اس تبدیلی کو نظر بھی آنا چاہیے اور یہی ایک گیدڑ سنگھی ہے جس کی بناء پر پارٹی اپنا کھویا ہوا وقار اور چھنا ہوا تخت حاصل کر سکتی ہے ع
اور درویش کی صدا کیا ہے
آج کامقطع
اُن کا برتائو ہی برا ہے‘ ظفر
ویسے وہ آدمی تو اچھے ہیں
ظفر اقبال 


 more at: http://m.dunya.com.pk/index.php/author/zafar-iqbal/2017-04-06/19123/71472330#sthash.AAWOA7hN.dpuf
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