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Distortion factor


 The ruling classes have always feared being depicted in history as corrupt, or of being tyrants or despots. Hence, they have always adopted the policy of controlling history writing so that their misdeeds are either eliminated or misinterpreted to suit them.

Historians are especially employed to write history that highlights the achievements of the rulers, while burying their crime and misdemeanors. In the past, rulers and monarchs appointed court historians who recorded all events of the court, flattered the ruler and painted him as most generous and just.

Timur (1336–1405) would summon his historians in the court every evening and order them to read what they had recorded. It was impossible for them to write anything against the king as he only wanted to listen to praise and admiration of his rule. However, there are instances in history when historians who were not reporting directly to the king were able to truthfully record history of their time.

During the reign of Akbar (1556-1605), Abdul Qadir Badayuni, the author of Muntakhab al-Tawarikh challenged Akbar’s religious views.
The book was circulated in secret and by the time Jahangir (1569–1627) found out about the book, it was too late for eliminating facts. It is a rare document depicting the reign of Akbar, as it was not written by a court historian but a private person instead who recorded events of which there is no official version in history.

Aurangzeb (1618–1707), after 10 years of his rule dismissed court historians as they were not allowed to write about his rule. He was, perhaps, afraid of history.

In Pakistan, the subject of history is treated in a poor and dismal manner. As corruption breeds across the society, historians are not allowed to record crimes, fraud and lies. Official institutions have been established to control history writing in textbooks which are in a way being victimised. The National Curriculum Board decides what historical matter should be used and what should be discarded. Textbooks change with regimes, while history is distorted and falsified to give dictators and usurpers, dignified and exalted images.

Historians who served military dictators in the past glorified their rule and presented them as saviours and deliverers of the nation.
However, as the regime ended, the true picture of their rule was brought to light. Many facts went missing though, as historians had no access to official documents.

Besides dictators, politicians and bureaucrats, army generals are also afraid of history, because they are involved in corruption so massive that it can bewilder the imagination of the common man. The builders’ mafia grabs and sells land illegally at high prices. Sometimes one plot is sold to two or three parties who after the forged deal, wander from court to court seeking justice in vain Adulteration and forgery is rampant at all levels in society. Teachers would rather use their teaching skills in private tuition centers instead of classrooms and mint money. Private educational institutions are busy exploiting parents and students by charging phenomenal fees without imparting a decent standard of education. Physicians and doctors are becoming better known as butchers. Lawyers cheat their clients and students shamelessly cheat in examinations.

Religious parties are busy exploiting religion to achieve their political designs. Religious sects create hatred against each other leading to bloody violence. Intellectuals and media people shamelessly sell their knowledge to their paymasters. Political parties continue to mislead people in order to come into power while leaders treat their parties as private property and their families monopolise and manipulate their leadership.

Being deeply entrenched in corruption, all of them are afraid of history. Sadly, there are no historians who have the courage to bring the truth to light, nor to document the prevailing corruption in the society. Without historical record, there is no way to understand the problems or trends of the society and the crimes go unpunished in history.
By Mubarak Ali: http://dawn.com/2013/03/10/past-present-distortion-factor/
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Islam demands good treatment of minorities

'Blasphemy' revenge: over 100 Pakistani Christians homes set ablaze

Over 100 homes owned by Pakistani Christians have been set ablaze by 
thousands of angry Muslims in the eastern city of Lahore. Police said the 
violence was prompted by derogatory remarks against Prophet
Mohammed, allegedly by a Christian resident.
[This is against teachings of Islam]

-------------------------

In communities which base their civil rights on brute strength, the weaker go to the wall, and public opinion expects nothing else. Even in modern democracies of the saner sort, it is often told that it is the fate of minorities to suffer; strength of numbers here becomes the passport to power and privilege. Islam, while upholding sane manly views in general, enjoins the most solicitous care for the weak and oppressed. The minorities in every way-in rights of property, in social rights, and in the right to opportunities of development. The non-Muslim living under the protection of a Muslim state is referred as Dhimmi, a free non-Muslim subject. They are exempt from duties of Islam like military service and zakat but must instead pay jizyah (poll-tax). It guarantees them full protection and security of the State including freedom of religion. If the State cannot protect those who paid jizyah, then the amount they paid is returned to them. Muslims are encouraged to act towards all the non-Muslims living in Islamic state kindness and equity. As per Qur’an; "As for such (of the unbelievers) as do not fight against you on account of your faith, and neither drive you forth from your homelands, Allah does not forbid you to show them kindness and to behave towards them with full equity. Indeed, Allah loves those who act equitably"(60:8).There are numerous Hadiths, which encourage Muslims to be kind to other religious communities, especially those who constitute minorities in the Muslim State. 
Islamic law also permits non-Muslim minorities to set up their own courts, which implement family laws drawn up by the minorities themselves. The rights of minorities are well protected in Islam. 

The Prophet said, "Whoever killed a Mu'ahid (a person who is granted the pledge of protection by the Muslims) shall not smell the fragrance of Paradise though its fragrance can be smelt at a distance of forty years (of traveling)."(Sahih Al-Bukhari Hadith, 9.49, Narrated by Abdullah bin Amr).

The second Caliph Umar (after he was stabbed), instructed (his would-be-successor) saying, "I urge him (i.e. the new Caliph) to take care of those non-Muslims who are under the protection of Allah and His Apostle in that he should observe the convention agreed upon with them, and fight on their behalf (to secure their safety) and he should not over-tax them beyond their capability." (Sahih Al-Bukhari Hadith, 4.287, Narrated by Amr bin Maimun).

The Christians and Jews are called People of the Book. Muslims are asked to call upon the People of the Book for common terms, that is to worship One God, and to work together for the solutions of the many problems in the society. Christians and Jews lived peacefully with Muslims throughout centuries in the Middle East and other Asian and African countries. “Those who believe (in the Qur'an) and those who follow the Jewish (Scriptures) and the Christians and the Sabians and who believe in Allah and the last day and work righteousness shall have their reward with their Lord; on them shall be no fear nor shall they grieve.”(2:62)
When the 2nd Caliph Omar took Jerusalem from the Byzantines in 634 C.E, he insisted on entering the city with only a small number of his companions. Proclaiming to the inhabitants that their lives and property were safe, and that their places of worship would never be taken from them, he asked the Christian patriarch Sophronius to accompany him on a visit to all the holy places. The Patriarch invited him to pray in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, but he preferred to pray outside its gates, saying that if he accepted the invitation to pray in church, later generations of Muslims might use his action as an excuse to turn it into a mosque. A mosque was built on the spot where Omar prayed. The Christians entrusted the Muslims, and as such the key of the Church in Jerusalem is still in the hands of the Muslims. 

Jews fled from Spain during the Inquisition, and they were welcomed by the Muslims. They settled in the heart of the Islamic Caliphate. They enjoyed positions of power and authority. It is one function of Islamic law to protect the privileged status of minorities, and this is why non-Muslim places of worship have flourished all over the Islamic world. Muslims during their rule granted freedom of worship to all religious communities in the Holy City of Jerusalem. Throughout the Muslim world, churches, synagogues and missionary schools were built within the Muslim neighborhoods. These places were protected by Muslims even during the contemporary crises in the Middle East. 

As per Qur’an;  “…Did not Allah check one set of people by means of another there would surely have been pulled down monasteries churches synagogues and mosques in which the name of Allah is commemorated in abundant measure. Allah will certainly aid those who aid His (cause); for verily Allah is Full of Strength Exalted in Might (Able to enforce His Will).”(Quran;22:40) 

Islam is not exclusive. Social intercourse, including food and inter-marriage, is permitted with the People of the Book. “This day are (all) things good and pure made lawful unto you. The food of the People of the Book is lawful unto you and yours is lawful unto them.  (Lawful unto you in marriage) are (not only) chaste women who are believers but chaste women among the People of the Book revealed before your time when ye give them their due dowers and desire chastity not lewdness nor secret intrigues.  If anyone rejects faith fruitless is his work and in the Hereafter he will be in the ranks of those who have lost (all spiritual good).” (5:5). Any man or woman, of any race or faith, may, on accepting Islam, freely marry any Muslim woman or man, provided it be from motives of purity and chastity and not of lewdness. As always, food, cleanliness, social intercourse, marriage and other interests in life, are linked with our duty to Allah and faith in Him. Duty and faith are for our own benefit, here and in the Hereafter.

Islam has justly looks after the interest of non believers, the good deeds of non-believer will not be wasted, Allah's Apostle (peace be upon him) said about reward for a non-believer, that  he would be made to taste the reward (of virtue in this world). (Sahih Muslim Hadith, 6739,Narrated by Anas ibn Malik). The children of minorities (non-Muslims), are similar to the children of Muslims with respect to their entry into Paradise. An-Nawawi said, "This is the sound view held by the eminent scholars, and it is supported by Allah's words, 'We will not punish anyone until We have sent a Messenger.' (17:15) Now if an adult is not punished for the reason that the truth did not reach him, it is far more reasonable to assume that a child will not be punished." A report by Ahmad from Khansa, daughter of Mu'awiyah ibn Sarim, states that he related her aunt's following account: "I asked, 'O Messenger of Allah! Who will be in Paradise?' The Prophet, peace be upon him, said, 'Prophets will be in Paradise, martyrs will be in Paradise, and babies will be in Paradise'." Al-Hafiz said that this hadith has a sound chain of narrators.  (Fiqh-us-Sunnah,Fiqh 4.89a).

There are other social courtesies which Muslims are urged to extend to non Muslims: like the respect is to be extended to the non Muslim deceased; Sahl bin Hunaif and Qais bin Sad were sitting in the city of Al-Qadisiya. A funeral procession passed in front of them and they stood up. They were told that funeral procession was of one of the inhabitants of the land i.e. of a non-believer, under the protection of Muslims. They said, "A funeral procession passed in front of the Prophet and he stood up. When he was told that it was the coffin of a Jew, he said, "Is it not a living being (soul)?" (Sahih Al-Bukhari Hadith, Hadith 2.399, Narrated by Abdur Rahman bin Abi Laila). Condolences are desirable, even if the deceased was a non-Muslim.  It is permissible for a Muslim to visit a sick non-Muslim person. In the chapter, "Visiting a Sick Polytheist," Bukhari says: It is narrated on the authority of Anas that "a Jewish boy, who used to serve the Prophet, peace be upon him, once fell ill. The Prophet, peace be upon him, visited him and invited him to Islam, saying: 'Submit to Allah's will.' So he accepted Islam." Similarly Bukhari narrates from Sa'id ibn al-Musayyab that he reported from his father that "when Abu Talib (the Prophet's uncle and an idolater) was on his deathbed, the Prophet, peace be upon him, visited him."(Fiqh-us-Sunnah, Fiqh 4.5).The strong emphasis placed on the need to behave with equity towards minorities has been heeded by Muslims throughout the ages. Minorities in the Muslim State have always enjoyed a fair and kind treatment by the Muslim majority. On the personal level, there is nothing to stop any Muslim from forging a friendship with non-Muslims who harbor no ill intentions against Islam or its followers.

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Prophet Muhammad’s [pbuh] written Everlasting Promise with Christians

Do Muslims hate Christians?

Blasphemy law and conviction in Pakistan: 

Who says countries are permanent?


We should know this more than others. The Pakistan of 1947 is not the Pakistan which exists today, one half of it having broken away to form another country. I served in Moscow in the seventies and nothing seemed more solid or permanent than the Soviet Union, a mighty power which cast a shadow far and wide. Who could have thought that in a few years’ time it would fracture, leaving a trail of small, independent republics behind?

Germany before the fall of the Berlin Wall was two countries. Now it is back to being one. Czechoslovakia was one country then. Now it is two. In the UK, of all places, the Scots, or a goodly part of them, are demanding independence. A referendum is set to decide this question in 2014.

After the fall of the Soviet Union it seemed as if American pre-eminence was an assured thing, lasting for the next hundred years. Bright-eyed scholars announced not just the closing of an era but the end of history. As hubris goes, this had few equals. There were other Americans who said that reality would be what America wanted it to be. Yet American power has declined before our eyes, nothing more contributing to this than the wars President Bush ventured upon in Afghanistan and Iraq.

Clash of civilisations was another phrase current just ten years. Something of the sort has happened but not in a way that the US could have intended. Wouldn’t the Taliban, wouldn’t Al-Qaeda, define their struggle as a clash of civilisations?

Ten years ago in a Jamaat-ud-Dawaah mosque in Chakwal (not far from my house) I heard one of their leaders talking of America’s eventual but sure defeat in Afghanistan. I thought his rhetoric too fanciful then. It sounds much closer to home now.

I have just read a longish review of Norman Davies’ ‘Vanished Kingdoms: The Rise and Fall of States and Nations’. This book should be required reading for anyone concerned about the future of Pakistan. For the lesson it emphasises is that history does not promise progress. All it promises is change. Nothing is fixed, all is movement, nations rising and falling, the old disappearing to make way for the new, the new in turn becoming the old and morphing into something else – the philosophy of Heraclitus and Hegel, even of Marx.

Applied to nations this can be a slightly unnerving philosophy, more so for nations or states which have had their share of trauma, or whose existence for various reasons continues to be fragile. Canada could countenance a referendum on Quebec’s independence, the UK a referendum on Scottish independence, because these are self-confident societies not threatened by such questions. But when the Baloch speak a language which sounds strange to our ears we feel threatened. When the people of Kashmir give voice to their aspirations India feels threatened, huge population and geography notwithstanding. Ours are not very confident societies.

Forgetting the larger canvas, we must look to ourselves for our problems, mostly self-created, are immense. Far from becoming more cohesive and overcoming the problems of the past, Pakistani society seems afflicted by a strange death-wish. It is not just that sectarianism and violence are tearing this society apart. Our minds seem closed and we seem to be living in a different world. Those who care to think are probably concerned about this state of affairs. But at the level of government, at the level of the governing class, civil and military, this concern, or the right amount of it, seems to be missing.

Fires are burning everywhere. We know the list of problem areas. We know where terrorism is striking. But are we getting the import of this message? Are we girding up for the future? Are we getting ready for the time when the Americans are finally out of Afghanistan and the forces of Islamic radicalism have the field to themselves?

I visited Kabul for the first time in 1974. What a beautiful city it was. Then I returned in 1978, soon after the Taraki coup. Although it was still a beautiful place one had a sense of the shadows over it. By 1989 when the Soviet army had withdrawn it was a different place, the old Afghani elite having disappeared, scattered to the four corners of the globe.

In 1930, to take a random year, could anyone then living have imagined the horrors that would unfold in Punjab in 1947? In 1947, or even 1965, could anyone in Pakistan have imagined the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971? We are living witnesses to this history. We, the children of the first post-Partition generation, grew to adulthood in a Pakistan which seems so strange compared to the Pakistan of today.

This is not mere nostalgia. Things were actually different in Karachi, Lahore and ‘Pindi. The atmosphere was not sinful – there is probably more sin now than then, despite our descent into a fake religiosity – it was secular. Despite the curse of military authoritarianism, the atmosphere was more rational.

The warning signs were there. The Jamaat ruled the campuses, promoting amongst the youth of that day its own brand of intolerance and bigotry. And without really knowing why, we stepped into the minefield of the 1965 war. The only good to come out of that disaster were the war songs of Madam Noor Jahan. But we took no heed of those signals. The walls went up in our minds, militarism received a boost and the intelligentsia of East Pakistan began thinking hard of the merits of staying within the confines of Pakistan.

Islam is not a problem in Iran. It is not a problem in the UAE, the fleshpots of Dubai existing happily within the bosom of a strict Islamic society. Why have we made it into a problem in Pakistan? We who could have been a beacon for others, the cross-roads of east and west, starting point of a new golden road to Samarkand, why did we allow ourselves to become almost the leading example of a promising experiment gone hopelessly wrong? We should have been a laboratory of Islamic modernity. What evil star turned us into a laboratory of CIA-directed and Saudi-financed jihad?

But since we have travelled down this path, and what is over is over, isn’t it time now to change direction, if at all we are interested in saving what remains? The Taliban are a symptom of a larger problem. The economy is one facet of a larger situation. Before all else we must look to the causes of things and change our old ways of thinking.

We don’t have to proclaim the birth of a secular republic. That would be to court an unnecessary backlash. But if Pakistan is to become a going concern, and extremist fires are to be doused, and the challenge of the Taliban met, then we will have to get rid of all our past shibboleths.

The army remains a prisoner of the past. It will have to break those shackles. The political parties could begin by reading Norman Davies book, which will tell them that nothing can be taken for granted. Ordinary people, I think, are ready to explore new frontiers. But will anyone show them the way?

Iqbal and Jinnah, giants among their Muslim contemporaries, were right for their times. Each epoch of history brings forth its own challenges. Pakistan stands direly in need of an intellectual revival, discarding the old and adopting new ways of thinking. If any better destiny awaits it, it may then be in a position to fulfil it.

Tailpiece: Hugo Chavez is dead. “Quiet consummation have, And renowned be thy grave.” He was a soldier. What is it in the Latin American air which can produce someone like him? What is it in our air to produce only dyed-in-the-wool reactionaries?

By Ayaz Amir: Email: winlust@yahoo.com
http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9-164105-Who-says-countries-are-permanent

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The fragile state


History shows that a society can tackle political, religious, and economic crises with an active and intellectual response. Passivity and lack of intellectual energy could cause the collapse of a society.

In the 16th and 17th centuries, Europe faced political and religious issues which seriously affected the social and financial structure.

In the Thirty years’ War of religion, fought between Catholics and the Lutherans in Germany, 30 per cent of the German-speaking people lost their lives.

In the 17th century, England was involved in the civil war between the king, the Anglican Church and the parliament which mainly comprised the Calvinists or puritans. When religious strife and conflict had exhausted the European society, an intellectual response emerged in the shape of Thomas Hobbes’ (1588-1679) book, the Leviathan.

According to this English philosopher, every sect believed that God was on its side while the others were infidels. Each sect emphasised on salvation of the soul and heaven being man’s eternal abode as they believed that life in this world was temporary.

Hobbes analysed that people were concerned more about the next world because anarchy and disorder made them pessimistic about the world and its affairs. In these circumstances, he figured that the basic instinct of human beings was the fear of violent and accidental death.

In the absence of a politically strong organisation to control the society, there was no law, authority or system to protect life and property.

He concluded that only a strong state could defend the country from foreign invasion, and provide peace and prosperity to the people. Once the people had material benefits, they would care about this world rather than worry about the hereafter. He also suggested that state and religion should be separated, while a secular and democratic society should be promoted which would inspire people to pursue happiness. In his opinion, only a secular society could get rid of religious intolerance and sectarian strife.

Thomas Hobbes believed that a strong government was important for maintaining peace and order in the society. It was essential for people to pay taxes to make the government efficient as only a strong and well-organised state could deliver security to people.

How are Thomas Hobbes’ views relevant to Pakistan and its society in the present day? We confront the same problems that the European society did in the 17th century. Sectarian conflicts intensify as each sect believes that truth is on its side and forces the other to convert to their faith. This leads to bloody clashes among different sects with the followers ready to die for the cause of their faith and become martyrs.

In the absence of a strong Pakistani state, the society is in a situation where there is no law and order but the law of jungle prevails.

According to Hobbes’ views, corruption and non-payment of taxes renders the state of Pakistan weaker. People do not pay taxes but spend money to protect their life and property by hiring private agencies in their defence against crime.

Since Hobbes clearly pointed out that human beings desire peace and security and are not in favour of living in insecure circumstances; similarly, the Pakistani society is also desirous of a strong, incorruptible government which would restore peace and order, provide opportunities to people to enjoy prosperity and to die a natural death after living a happy life.
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Modernity and national narratives


The idea of what is meant by Pakistan as a modern nation state and how it is represented in the national narrative were discussed at the LLF in two different sessions.

The first one, aptly titled ‘Pakistan, a Modern Country?’ had journalist Owen Bennett-Jones as the moderator and the panel consisted of historians Ayesha Jalal and Francis Robinson and journalist and writer Tariq Ali. Though it is difficult to share a stage with an orator as intimidating as Ali, Jalal’s impressive knowledge and historical approach were great additions to Ali’s sociopolitical analyses.

Bennett-Jones opened the discussion by highlighting the topic’s varied interpretations. Robinson talked in detail about what the modern state as an idea means in political theory. According to him, to be called modern, a state must exercise three powers: coercive power within its boundaries, which means it should be able to reach each individual and remove any intervening party between the state and individual, in addition to defending its boundaries; the power to protect its minorities; and the power to collect taxes. He said that despite Pakistan’s difficulties with these functions, he has been very impressed with the rise of the middle class over the last 30 years. Population, according to him, is one of the most pressing challenges for Pakistan.

Ali opined that some people consider the possession of nuclear weapons an aspect of modernity, which he does not agree with. The provision of some rudimentary education, welfare and health are the important aspects of a modern state, he said, adding that “the bulk of those who created Pakistan did not want an Islamist republic”. He gave the example of the Khilafat movement — deemed important in the anti-imperialist struggle — which many Muslim leaders were not happy with. “Religion should not be part of the functioning of the state,” he stressed.

Jalal, however, emphasised that religion in some cases has a necessary place in government as democracy comes in many forms. For her, it is neutrality, rather than the absence of religion, that is the defining feature of a modern state. She further explained that many problems are strategic in nature, not religious. Over the years “state has lost that narrative it itself created.” She also dwelled upon Pakistan’s postcolonial legacy which has “modern problems”. It inherited many structural problems, like that of sovereignty, from its colonial rulers. Ali discussed middle-class religious movements which are very modern in nature. However, “such movements are not political movements in a direct sense but largely cultural and attract a lot of people,” he said, adding that “the problem is once these genies are out of the bottle they can never be put back.”

In response to a question concerning how a modern society can survive in a country which isn’t modern, Ali responded that the hope is that Pakistan does survive as being a nuclear power it is hard to imagine otherwise.

When the panellists were asked which politician they would vote for in the next election, Ali was the only one who responded seriously: “I will vote for Imran Khan. If he gets elected — and that’s a huge if — and implements even half of what is being promised.”

The session ‘National Narrative’ also had Bennett-Jones, but this time along with journalists Basharat Peer and Sarah Singh and historian Urvashi Butalia. Khaled Ahmed, who was the moderator, couldn’t arrive on time and 15 minutes after the session was supposed to start Bennett-Jones took matters into his own hands and asked the speakers about their thoughts on the topic. Singh started the discussion by saying that “the topic can be interpreted in two ways: in one sense a nation has many narratives but a narrative can have many nations.” Peer highlighted the exclusive nature of a monolithic idea, such as that of a national narrative, which ignores those parts of a nation that are inconvenient to talk about. Butalia pertinently mused: “It’s strange that there’s a panel on national narratives in Lahore and you have three Indians sitting on it.”

Ahmed then joined the discussion and explained what a national narrative means in theory: a discourse created by the state to create uniformity. Pakistan, according to him, is living under three narratives: the first is external, based on facts; the second is pan-Islamic and opposes the first narrative; and the third sees the world through an Indian prism. However, there could be alternative narratives too, he said. When Bennett-Jones expressed his doubts about Ahmed’s idea of alternative narratives, he said such narratives are possible to create under democracy with freedom of speech. Butalia interjected with the comment that “both India and Pakistan want to present a linear national narrative and history.” Peer also highlighted the pertinent issue of the plight of minorities, saying that “we need to extend our solidarities beyond borders.”

PAKISTAN THROUGH MOVIES

‘The Holy Warrior and the Enemy (1958-2008): Film, Newsmedia, and Music in Frontline Pakistan’ was one of the most intriguing sessions at the LLF. Journalist and film-maker Hasan Zaidi started the talk by explaining the reason behind having a session on cinema in a literary festival. He said that it was important to look at mediums other than books and that cinema is a unique medium — combing the art of seeing, writing and singing — that has never been taken seriously in Pakistan, which is why there hasn’t been any contextualised reading of cinema as a significant genre that reflects our collective memory.

Zaidi was joined by Hameed Haroon of the Dawn Media Group and a Q&A between the two followed along with a presentation of clips from different Pakistani films, jihadi videos and electronic-media programmes. Haroon discussed the theme of the holy warrior in Pakistani cinema in a historical context, saying that the disillusionment of living in a postcolonial society led to the search for a messiah figure in early films. Film creators captured the general discontent in society and most early films in Pakistan talked indirectly about social and political issues. For instance, Khalil Qaiser’s film Shaheed was apparently about oil imperialism as well as about Pakistani society at the time.

There were attempts at promoting the image of a soldier messiah in the reign of Ayub Khan when songs by Noorjehan and Naseem Begum further strengthened the nationalist sentiments. However, the emotions of these singers were genuine and should not be confused with the state’s promotion of a certain ideology, Haroon argued. For the army to be the holy warrior they need an enemy like India. In 1965, Lakhon Main Ek was released, showing a Hindu-Kashmiri girl falling in love with a Muslim-Kashmiri boy.

In Ziaul Haq’s era, religious imagery was strengthened and a clip from the movie The Blood of Hussain was shown to corroborate that point. Zaidi and Haroon also discussed the film International Gorilay, which shows the protagonists (holy warriors) in the heightened religious context of the fatwa against Salman Rushdie.

Next, two films about Daniel Pearl’s murder, The Journalist and the Jihadi (a documentary) and Infinite Justice (a much better film than the Hollywood one starring Angelina Jolie, in Haroon’s opinion) were discussed to analyse the post-9/11 concept of the holy warrior. The transition is complete as the holy warrior has become a ruthless executioner as shown in the first film, whereas he is portrayed as much more nuanced and doubtful, but an executioner nonetheless, in the latter.

The next part of the session focused on the electronic media in the last years of General (retd) Pervez Musharraf’s regime and on two state-supported films, Jamil Dehlavi’s Jinnah and Shoaib Mansoor’s Khuda Kay Liay, which were attempts to salvage the idea of the messiah from the extremist jihadis. In answer to a question from the audience regarding the future of cinema in Pakistan, Haroon said he is quite pessimistic as it seems that jihadi execution footage has replaced film. He also expressed his reservations about the potential of the news media and the improbability of television (TV drama, in particular) replacing film as a genre.

—    Ammara Khan

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Prices double in Zardari govt’s five years


Providing any relief or taking any measures to control prices of food items, both at provincial and federal levels, remained an issue of least interest during the PPP coalition government which completes its five-year term on March 16.


The government’s five years proved a boon for manufacturing companies and market forces and a bane for consumers as many of them, hit by cash crunch, literally reduced the practice of bulk purchases owing to other burgeoning expenses, like rising utility and transportation charges and education expenses of their children.

Coalition partners, like MQM, ANP and friendly opposition PML-N, hardly took out any rally or protest march against sky-rocketing prices of essential items, petroleum prices and utility bills, leaving consumers at the mercy of market forces and manufacturers of goods.

Even civil society and consumer associations paid a lip-service to sensitive issues relating to food inflation.

The government never bothered to check the profit margin of manufacturers who continued to push up prices, knowing that no authority would take any action.

Traders and commodity investors played havoc with prices on demand and supply situation.

No one can deny the negative impact of rupee’s losing strength against the dollar, high transportation charges on account of hike in diesel, CNG and LPG prices, changes in duties and taxes and demand and supply position of local crop. The government literally gave a free hand to market players and manufacturers who kept on increasing prices in the absence of any check or monitoring.

Even good wheat crop failed to lower flour prices as flour millers kept on pushing up prices owing to rising wheat prices in open market, delay in getting wheat from provincial departments and hike in support price.

The dollar was equal to Rs62 in March 2008 which is now nearly Rs100, thus making an adverse impact on import of finished products and raw material.

When the PPP assumed power, 10kg flour bag, fine atta, atta no 25 and chakki flour were available at Rs150, Rs23, Rs16 and Rs24 per kg as compared to their current rate of Rs420-440, Rs40, Rs40 and Rs44 per kg, respectively. Basin was available at Rs45 per kg and now it is quoted at Rs100-115 per kg.

Five kg Dalda ghee and five litre Dalda cooking oil were sold at Rs720 and Rs780 as compared to their current rate of Rs995 and Rs1,049, respectively.

One kg ghee pouch of Dalda is now quoted at Rs199 as compared to Rs144 in March 2008.

High quality Kernal Basmati Super was selling at Rs90 per kg in March 2008 as against Rs160 per kg now.

Kernal Shaheen variety sells at Rs135 as compared to Rs80 per kg.

Basmati 85 is priced at Rs95 as compared to Rs55 per kg. Irri 6’s current price is Rs50 as compared to Rs35 per kg.

Fresh milk sells at Rs75 per litre as compared to Rs40.

Nido one kg pack carries a retail price of Rs625 as compared to Rs310, while Everyday tea whitener is now available at Rs560 as compared to Rs285.

One litre Tetra Milk is selling at Rs44 as compared to current rate of Rs90.

High quality mutton is now selling at Rs600-620 per kg as compared to Rs300 per kg in 2008 while veal beef meat with bones is available at Rs320-360 per kg as compared to Rs170 per kg.

Veal without bones is priced at Rs420-460 per kg as compared to Rs200. Live poultry bird meat was Rs112 per kg as compared to current rate of Rs170 per kg.

Tapal Danedar tea (200 gram) now sells at Rs125 as compared to Rs63. Lipton Yellow tea pack is available at Rs137 as compared to Rs70.

Either a political tactic or pre-election move, the government reduced petroleum products rates on Saturday to win masses’ support which were increased two days back. However, when government came into power, petrol and diesel were carrying prices of Rs62.81 and Rs44.59 per litre as compared to Rs103.70 and Rs109.21 per litre.

CNG and LPG were selling at Rs37 and Rs53 as compared to current rate of Rs99 and Rs120 per kg, respectively.

Sugar price more than doubled as it is now quoted at Rs55 as compared to 25.

In pulses, high quality masur is available at Rs90-100 per kg as compared to Rs85 per kg in March 2008.

Good quality moong, mash, arhar and gram pulse prices were Rs110-120, Rs95-105, Rs145-160 and Rs100-105 per kg as compared to Rs50, Rs62, Rs82 and Rs48 per kg.

Karachi Wholesalers Grocers Association (KWGA) Chairman Anis Majeed claimed that food prices had surged by at least 40 to 200 per cent in the last five years due to impact of currency devaluation and high petroleum prices.

He said inflation had hit many economies of the world but in Pakistan our economy did not grow due to lack of policies. He said the government raised water, gas and electricity charges and did not focus on making dams, power plants and tapping solar and wind energy resources.

Anis said no serious effort was made on research and development to raise production of various crops.

With no check on essential items prices, manufacturers of other items also utilized the situation.

For example, Mitchell’s jam and jelly packs are now selling at Rs120 as compared to Rs68, while tomato ketch-up of Mitchell’s and National (big bottle) is priced at Rs170 as compared to Rs85.

General Secretary, Karachi Retail Grocers Group (KRGG), Farid Qureishi, said many items being produced by big companies are selling without any price tag and even weight of many products have also been reduced.

The government did not take any action against the producers.

He recalled that tea packers reduced prices after cut in sales tax to five from 16 per cent on imports after two months they raised the prices.

He said rise in gas, power, petroleum prices and dollar appreciation made a direct impact on domestic product prices.

In soaps and detergents, Surf Excel and Ariel one kg pack are now available at Rs240 each as compared to Rs150 in March 2008.

Lux 125 gram soap is priced at Rs55 as compared to Rs24. Safeguard big size toilet soap is tagged at Rs45 as compared to Rs30. One Sufi detergent bar was Rs20 as compared to Rs36 now.
Aamir Shafaat Khan: http://dawn.com/2013/03/03/prices-double-in-govts-five-years/
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19 Feb 2013 ... Public debt (both rupee and dollar components of debt) hasincreased at an average rate of 21.5 percent per annum in the last five years ...
www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9-160831-No-guilt-or-shame
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What a country!


By Anjum Niaz

Yes, what a country! A paradise on earth, that’s what Pakistan got — from shining sea to the second highest peak in the world. Before you declare it ‘paradise lost’, tarry a while and think: Only in this country does the heart beat faster when a PIA plane brings you back to your roots. In no other country does it feel like home. In no other country does the desi food taste as delicious as here. In no other country do you get hugs and kisses accompanied by profuse dinner invitations when you chance upon an old acquaintance. People are genuinely happy to welcome you back to where you really belong.

Only in this country does a tooth extraction cost Rs4,000 and an implant Rs75,000. My dentist in the US charges $500 for tooth extraction and $5,000 for an implant.
“Go back and get your teeth fixed. It’s much cheaper there,” Dr Ruvo tells me when I go running to her for help. Dr Shahid Mahmood, the Texas-trained dentist in Islamabad says: “I tell my friends and family in America to take a trip out to Pakistan, get their dental work done, have a vacation and return refreshed in less than half the money they would spend on their teeth treatment in the US.”

Dental issues aside, Islamabad is a happening place. Some friends wanted to eat out on Valentine’s Day. “We went around but were turned away. Every place was booked solid.”

Professionals in all fields, I find are efficient, friendly and willing to help you when you turn up in their offices to get work like car insurance, car registration, refunds for unused PIA tickets, money transfers and a hundred other things that need to be done if you’ve been away from Pakistan long.

But what a country — where traffic lights don’t exist in the capital city. The message: Drive at your own risk; fend for yourself! There are no cops on the streets. It’s free for all. The daredevil motor bikers challenge every nerve in your body as they charge around recklessly packed with women and children at the back. The only cops you see are standing fiddling with their cell phones or chatting leisurely with each other while lined up along VIP routes daily.

What a country where a property tycoon can buy off the sons of VVIPs, load them with pricey gifts and then openly boast about his feats. First to fall from grace is the son of the Chief Justice of Pakistan. The case stands unresolved. Now it’s Bilawal’s turn to have a multi-million dollar mega-home named after him by Riaz.

What a country where the president of the poverty stricken populace brazenly accepts this graft in the name of his son from the most controversial man in Pakistan. With his own millions stashed overseas, Zardari and son are hardly a charity case in need of a roof over their heads courtesy Malik Riaz. Splashed in the media are photographs of the VVIP father and son holding ‘court’ in one of the 50 formal drawing rooms of Bilawal House in Lahore.

What a country where the same man, Malik Riaz builds a sand castle telling all and sundry that it will be the tallest building in Karachi worth $45bn in partnership with the Abu Dhabi Group. The hyper TV channels go into an overdrive putting Burj Khalifa in Dubai to shame. Malik’s tower will soon replace the Burj in height and grandeur, open-jawed Pakistani public is told. Not so fast! Say the Abu Dhabi Group. They publish a quarter page clarification in all our newspapers contradicting Riaz’s tall claims.

Distancing itself from the deal, the Group declares that the whole exercise was nothing more than a ‘Memorandum of Understanding’ between them and Malik Riaz of Bahria Town. Since both the parties failed to reach a “conclusion” the deal stands cancelled!

What a country where the US dollar touches the Rs100 mark. Instead of stalling the rupee decline, the government dispenses with the services of its finance secretary. A week later, the finance minister too departs, leaving the country’s finances in the lurch. A manager of a local bank tells me that as elections near and uncertainty grows, politicians are busy transferring their ill-gotten wealth out of Pakistan.

What a country where the ruling elite are the main black marketers who pocket $6.12bn, paralleling almost half of Pakistan’s foreign exchange reserves. Their ill-gotten money is mainly acquired through drug smuggling, book piracy, gas and oil smuggling, human smuggling, tax evasion and counterfeit money. Havocscope, the world’s leading provider of information about the black market ranks Pakistan close to Afghanistan which is the world’s number one country with $7.3bn in black market. There are laws to catch the scofflaws but the courts, including the Supreme Court are helpless.

What a country where the son of a prime minister along with a federal minister and a federal secretary are accused of importing the deadly drug called ephedrine and health officials divert 25,000 kg ephedrine to the pharmaceutical companies for smuggling abroad. The then Director General Health Dr Rashid Juma, a respected brain surgeon, in his statement as an ‘approver’ alleges that he was threatened by the then health secretary Khushnood Lashari to do as told or else he’d get the sack. Ironically, the minister and the secretary continue in their posts despite the court accusing them of the crime, while the son who is a member National Assembly is out on bail. The case will gradually fizzle out as happens always.

What a country where the constitution is violated by the lawmakers themselves, most of them holding fake degrees and owing huge sums to the State Bank. When the Election Commission writes to 249 legislators giving them a deadline to prove their academic credentials, only 26 of them respond. The rest, 223 member parliaments miss the deadline, proving they sneaked into the parliaments on suspected fake degrees. Heavens don’t fall. There is business as usual. When the State Bank threatens to out the identities of the bank defaulters, pressure from the government and the opposition arrives and the matter goes into a limbo.

What a country where one million ton plastic bags a week are thrown randomly and are left lying forever. Most of them make their way to the chocked gutters or fly around in the wind until they land on trees and bushes. We have a minister and a secretary in charge of environment. They, like the rest of the government wear blinkers and perhaps don’t see the plastic bags suffocating the environment.

Still, what a country where ordinary people are the most resilient, hard working and honest — Pakistan could have been a paradise for all — from the privileged to the underprivileged, had it not been pillaged repeatedly by those in whom God had wrested power.

Paradise lost and regained may yet be the lasting narrative for Pakistan.

 anjumniaz@rocketmail.com
http://dawn.com/2013/03/03/what-a-country/
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General Gorbachev of Pakistan?

General Kayani spills the beans, blames others, raises doubts: By Shaheen Shehbai

General Kayani has finally spoken his heart out and the information trickling out from the not so off-the-record four-hour briefing is revealing as well as a cause for serious concern and a warning for the civilians and the country.
The bottom line General Kayani gave was that he wants free and fair elections and a peaceful transfer of power and everyone must respect the mandate of the people and for this the army will provide the maximum help, but only that much which is asked for by the civilians.
So in other words what the general said repeatedly was that no one should try to play games with the transparency and fairness of the elections and the results must be accepted but the army will not impose itself in any way and this job has to be done by the civilians themselves.
Yet while confirming that the army has pulled out of these, and almost all other, matters in the civilian domain, General Kayani gave a long list of civilian failures, almost a charge sheet against the politicians and the government and placed the blame of gigantic failures in many critical domains at the civilian doorstep.
Not to intervene is constitutionally and practically a very positive and constructive approach but in reality it has brought the country to the verge of a collapse and General Kayani realises that but does not want to share the blame. 

[Under which clause of constitution he told Aitezaz Ahsan to ask Nawaz Sharif to call off  'long march', judges  being restored?]

Examples of the civilians’ failure that he quoted, in his own soft style and in a non-intrusive way, were many but a cool analysis of his thoughts and ideas reveals he has told the government and politicians they had messed up in a big way and no more of this mess-up can be afforded.
For instance, he says on the key issue of war against terrorism, the army is not to be blamed but the civilians have not formulated a comprehensive anti-terrorism policy and they could not decide what to do. They threw the ball in the court of the army without giving them policy guidelines, the targets to be achieved and the way that was to be done.
Repeatedly, he said that the army had not been consulted or taken on board about the political all parties conferences being held on counter terrorism.
General Kayani, in this context, quoted many examples and reminded the media men of the Swat situation where he said the President was persuaded by him to take a decision. He also took ANP leader Asfandyar Wali to the President and when the decision was taken to talk to Maulana Sufi Mohammed, the talks were held but when he violated the accord, an operation was launched. Then the civilians had to take over the responsibility which, he implied, they did not.

General Kayani specifically mentioned the arrests made in Swat and complained that if the arrested persons are not convicted because of lack of evidence, the army cannot hold them forever. For three-and-a-half years it is holding these people and is either violating laws by doing so or risks more terrorism if they are released.
Likewise, in Balochistan, General Kayani said, an army operation could be launched only if the civilians take that decision and order the army to do so. But once the operation is done and people are arrested, they will again have to be tried and convicted by the police and courts for which the civilians are not prepared and ready.
Similarly, he said the civilians depend too much and remain forever scared of the ISI and army intelligence agencies whereas the tasks should have been done by their own agencies.
All internal matters have to be handled by the civilians as the ISI has to look after external intelligence threats and the army has to secure borders. Where are the civilian agencies? he asked, in so many words, though politely.

General Kayani’s talk was almost a report card of failure of the interior ministry but he said in so many words that for five years the army took all these failures in its stride, and sometimes guided the civilians to reform and take ownership and responsibility yet did not intervene to stop the rot.
In my view, this was a very considered and deliberate policy as General Kayani and his colleagues knew the capacity of the civilians. They knew that these politicians will not be able to handle such colossal issues like the war on terror, the Balochistan mess, the fight against domestic extremism and fanaticism but they left everything to these immature and inexperienced or incompetent politicians so that the army may not be blamed and the onus of the disaster falls on the civilians.
Now he has explained his five years of non-interference by the army, failure of the civilians to cope and the resultant disasters in a four-hour session which can be summed up in one line: “Don’t blame us. Do something if you can.”
The tragedy is that General Kayani knows well that the 10 years of General Musharraf and the total dominance of the army, the persecution of politicians, the disarray in the political system, the physical threats to political leaders, their assassinations and mass murders, all meant that the politicians were not ready, although they had been voted into power because an election was held and that too under the threat of mass rebellion after Benazir Bhutto’s murder.
So there was no way the army could avoid an election but there was no way the civilians could correct everything messy that the generals were leaving behind.
Similar is the issue with the present elections. General Kayani is now saying that elections must be free, fair and transparent but the set-up that has been put in place is controversial, weak and fragile, weakest at the top.
In his four-hour talk he referred to this weakness of the ECP in his own way by recalling the famous meeting between him and Fakhru Bhai in which a briefing was given by the army to the CEC for over two hours but at the end Fakhru Bhai did not recognise General Kayani.
“Yes I am General Kayani” he told the ageing CEC but then also recalled the story of Alif Laila and the joke associated with it when after the whole night someone asked: “Was Zulekha a man or a woman”.
By referring to Fakhru Bhai and speaking about his age and his capacity, General Kayani indirectly expressed doubts that he can handle such a gigantic task of holding the election. He also knows that politicians have nominated the other four members of the ECP and they are political nominees who can, and may, play games for their sponsors.
So when he says that elections must be fair and free, he is again shifting the blame to the civilians while knowing that they do not mean a fair business and they will do the mischief in their own ways. He is not ready to interfere but is only asking them not to try. Yet he has walked out of providing army cover to the polls saying he cannot spare 200,000 troops. Fakhru Bhai has been left high and dry, on his own. 
So if the politicians don’t listen to the army chief, the bottom line is that nothing will happen. Kayani has already, and in the same meeting, announced that he will retire later this year, or just after a few months after the elections. The politicians can even cut that period short by announcing his replacement three months ahead of the date. So the politicians will play around and the general will go home, leaving the mess for the people to face.
His clearest warning was on the economy and again he blamed the civilians entirely for the failure. He recounted so many instances and asked do you blame the army for this, for that and for everything. He, however, allowed the corrupt civilians to do the damage before his own eyes.
The media lot sitting in front of him, it looks, did not disagree with him on this count. But a pile of dirt, mixed with filth and stink left behind by the army after years of misrule cannot be cleared so easily, when the army pulls itself into a corner and does not stop even the most glaring and blatant violations of the laws and Constitution.
What General Kayani could have done, and has not done, was to strengthen and reassure the institutions which can check the incompetent civilians to place strong checks and corrections at every stage, so that things would not have come so near to collapse. When General Kayani retires, as he would in a few months later this year, he would be judged as another leader of the Gorbachev kind. Will he like to be called General Gorbachev?
http://images.thenews.com.pk/28-02-2013/ethenews/t-21262.htm

Comments:
An owner returns to find his house burnt to ashes, the guard tells that it was his duty to protect the house from outsiders, thieves not from fire within. Only a fool shall expect General Kayani to take over, but he could do much more within bounds of constitution. The democratic process must continue. However loot and plundering of national wealth and economy should not go unchecked. Judiciary took bold decisions which were not implemented. Is army like other institutions not bound by constitution to assist Supreme Court? which is the final authority to interpret the constitution? Only a  positive response to suprem court could have deterred the plunderers.....
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A day after he granted a three-year extension to the military chief, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani hailed the move as a ‘guarantee’ for the stability of a democratic system. Speaking to media, Gilani said the extension of COAS General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani’s tenure had put all stakeholders in the power game – the president, the prime minister, the chief justice and the military chief – in a secure position till 2013. (The Express Tribune: July 24, 2010, http://tribune.com.pk/story/30619/kayanis-extension-to-guarantee-democracy-pm/)]
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19 Feb 2013 ... Public debt (both rupee and dollar components of debt) hasincreased at an average rate of 21.5 percent per annum in the last five years ...



Blood of Martyrs of Pak Army is Priceless


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Zero Point by Javed Chaudhary
http://www.express.com.pk/epaper/PoPupwindow.aspx?newsID=1101768057&Issue=NP_LHE&Date=20130226
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