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Wake up Now ! جاگو ، جاگو ، جاگو

Wake up Pakistan ! Presently the Muslim societies are in a state of ideological confusion and flux. Materialism, terrorism,...

Saturday, December 26, 2015

From threatening Pakistan in 2011 to holding hands with Nawaz Sharif, Modi has come a long way

http://www.dawn.com/news/1228759/from-threatening-pakistan-in-2011-to-holding-hands-with-nawaz-sharif-modi-has-come-a-long-way

Friday, December 25, 2015

We are grateful to the great leader Muhammad Ali Jinah, the founder of Pakistan (Urdu)


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اے قائد اعظمؒ !ہم شکر گزار ہیں


اے ہمارے قائد اعظم محمد علی جناحؒ ! ہمیں وہ دن اچھی طرح یاد ہیں کہ جیسے ہی ہندوستان میں مسلمانوں کی حکومت ختم ہوئی اور باوجود اس کے کہ مسلمان حکمرانوں نے اپنی رعایاکے ساتھ ہر معاملے میں حد درجہ رواداری ، اور عدمِ تعصب کا مظاہرہ کیا، ہرمذہب وملت کے لوگوں کو برابر کے سیاسی، سماجی اور مذہبی حقوق دیئے،اور اپنے دین کو زبردستی ٹھونسنا تو کیا سرکاری طور پر اس کی تبلیغ وفروغ کی سِرے سے کوئی کوشش ہی نہ کی،لیکن پھر بھی ہندؤوں نے مسلمان دشمنی کو اپنا نصب العین قرار دے لیا۔انہوں نے عمومی طور پر انگریزوں کو خوش آمدید کہا اور صرف مسلمانوں کو نیچا دکھانے کے لئے اُن کے ہم رکاب ہوگئے۔ انگریز وں کے مشورہ پر ہی انڈین نیشنل کانگریس بنائی اوراس اُمید پر آزادی کی جدوجہد شروع کی کہ انگریز کے جانے کے بعد اکثریتی آبادی ہونے کے ناطے اقتدار اُن کے ہاتھ آئے گا اور پھر وہ مسلمانوں سے اپنی ہزار سالہ محکومی کا بدلہ لیں گے۔ اس دوران وہ مسلمانوں کو تہس نہس کرنے کی دھمکیاں ،ہندوستان کومسلمانوں کے وجود سے پاک کرنے، اورمسلمانوں کو زبردستی ہندوبنانے کے عزائم کا کُھلم کُھلا اظہار کرتے رہے، اور موقع بے موقع ، بات بے با ت، کوئی نہ کوئی بہانہ تراش کر مسلمانوں کا قتلِ عام کرتے رہے۔ اور اسے ہندومسلم فسادات کا نام دیتے، جس میں نقصان صرف مسلمانوں کا ہی ہوتا۔
اے قائد ! ہمیں یہ بھی یاد ہے کہ آپ بھی شروع دنوں میں کانگریس میں شامل تھے، لیکن پھر آپ پر ہندو کا اصل رُوپ کُھل گیا۔ آپ پر اُن کی عادات واطوار اور مسلمانوں کے بارے میں اُن کابُغض وکینہ اور مکروہ عزائم واضح ہوگئے۔ آپ نے سمجھ لیاکہ ہندونہ صرف ہندوستان پر بلاشرکتِ غیرے حکومت کرنے کا عزم اور ارادہ رکھتے ہیں بلکہ وہ ہندوستان میں مسلمانوں کے وجود کو برداشت کرنے کویکسرتیارنہیں۔ یہ سب کچھ دیکھ کر آپ اس قدر مایوس ہوئے کہ1930ء میں نہ صرف آپ نے کانگریس بلکہ مُلک ہی چھوڑ دیا۔ 1934ء میں جب آپ واپس آئے تو آپ کا ذہن بالکل صاف اورواضح تھا کہ آپ کواب ہندوستان میں کیاکرناہے اور پھرمارچ 1940ء میں منٹوپارک لاہور کے تاریخی میدان میں آپ نے یہ تاریخی اعلان کردیا کہ ’’اسلام اور ہندومت محض دومذہب نہیں بلکہ درحقیقت دومختلف اور جُداگانہ سماجی نظام ہیں ۔ ایک ہزار برس کے قریبی روابط کے باوجود دونوں آج بھی ایک دوسرے سے اتنے ہی دُور ہیں جتنے پہلے ہواکرتے تھے‘‘۔ اورپھر آپ نے ایک قدم اور آگے بڑھ کر صاف صاف کہہ دیاکہ ’’ہندواور مسلمان دوفرقے نہیں ،دوقومیں ہیں ۔مسلمانوں کے مفادات کا تحفظ اسی صور ت ہوسکتاہے کہ ہندوستان کو ’ہندوانڈیا ‘ اور ’مسلم انڈیا‘ میں تقسیم کردیاجائے ،کیونکہ قوم کی ہرتعریف کے مطابق مسلمان ایک قو م ہیں، اس لئے اُنہیں ایک الگ وطن ، علاقے اور ریاست کا مالک ہوناچاہئے ۔ ‘‘ اے قائد! آپ کا یہ اعلان اورمطالبہ مسلمانانِ ہند پر آپ کا بہت بڑا احسان تھا، جس کا قرض ہم کبھی ادانہ کرسکیں گے۔ اور پھر آپ نے ہندوستان کے مسلمانوں کو صرف ایک نئی سوچ ، نئی منزل کانشان اور نیا عزم وحوصلہ ہی نہیں دیا بلکہ آگے بڑھ کر آپ نے اس قوم کی منزل کی طرف سفر کی قیادت کی ، اور ایسی قیادت کی کہ دنیادنگ رہ گئی۔ آپ نے جس طرح ہندؤوں اور انگریزوں کی مخالفتوں ،چالبازیوں ، سازشوں اور ریشہ دوانیوں کو اپنے خُداداد تدبر ، ہمت ،جرأت ،دانش اور حکمت سے ناکام بنایا اور جس طرح اُن کے خونخوار جبڑوں سے پاکستان کو چھین لیا ،وہ صرف اور صرف آپ ہی کرسکتے تھے۔ دنیا آپ کے پائے کا راہنما ، آپ جیسی جدوجہد اور اس کے نتیجے میں ایسی کامیابی کی مثال پیش کرنے سے قاصر ہے ۔ اے قائد! مسلمانانِ ہند کو ایک الگ اور اُن کا اپنا وطن لے کر دینے پر ہماری پُشتیں بھی آپ کی شکرگذار رہیں گی۔
اے قائد! پاکستان بننے کے بعد ہندؤوں نے ہندوستان اور کشمیر میں رہ جانے اور پاکستان کی طرف ہجرت کرنے والے مسلمانوں کے ساتھ جوسلوک کیا اُس نے آپ کے اُس خیال اور نظریہ کی تصدیق کردی کہ ہندو اور مسلمان دوالگ الگ قومیں ہیں اور یہ کہ ہندو، مسلمان کو ہندوستان میں کسی طور برداشت کرنے کوتیار نہیں۔ پاکستان بنانے کے جرم میں ہندؤوں اور سکھوں نے اگست 1947ء کے آس پاس دس لاکھ سے زائد مسلمان عورتوں، مردوں ،بچوں اوربُوڑھوں کوانتہائی بے دردی سے تہہ تیغ کردیا۔ فوج کشی کرکے آزاد مسلمان ریاست حیدرآباد دکن کو زبردستی ہندوستان میں شامل کرلیااور اِس فوج کشی کے دوران مزاحمت اور بغیر مزاحمت کے آٹھ لاکھ مسلمانوں کو موت کے گھاٹ اُتاردیا۔ کشمیر کے عوام پاکستان کے ساتھ الحاق کرناچاہتے تھے ۔اُس پر حملہ کردیا اور صرف دوماہ میں جموں اور اس کے گردونواح میں پانچ لاکھ مردوں، عورتوں ، بچوں اور بوڑھوں کو شہید کردیا ۔ اور یہ سلسلہ ابھی تک ختم نہیں ہوا ۔ 1947-48ء کی خون ریزی کوچھوڑ کر ہندوستانی افواج،بارڈر سیکیورٹی فورس اور پولیس نے کشمیر میں 2000ء تک اسی ہزار سے زائد مسلمان مردوں کو شہید، بیس ہزار سے زائد مسلمان عورتوں کی عصمت دری اور سات ہزار سے زائد مسلمانوں کو نامرد بنایا،اور 30 ہزار سے زائد قرآن اور دیگر اسلامی کتب کو نذرِآتش کیا۔ خود ہندوستان کے اندر ہندوستان کی وزارتِ داخلہ کے اپنے اعدادوشمار کے مطابق 1947ء سے 1987ء تک پینتیس ہزار ہندومسلم فسادات برپاکئے گئے جن میں دولاکھ مسلمانوں کو موت کے گھاٹ اُتاردیاگیا۔ اِن میں نریندر مودی کی وزارتِ اعلیٰ کے دوران احمد آباد گجرات کا 2002ء والا فساد شامل نہیں جس میں ہندوستان کی پارلیمنٹ کے لئے تین بار منتخب ہونے والے ڈاکٹر احسان جعفری کے ساتھ ساتھ ہزاروں مسلمان مردوں، عورتوں اور بچوں کو انتہائی وحشیانہ طریقہ سے قتل کرکے اُن کی لاشوں کو جلاکر راکھ کر دیاگیا۔ بات یہیں ختم نہیں ہوئی ۔ آزادی کے بعد ہندوانتہاء پسندوں نے مسلمانوں کی مساجد اور دیگر تاریخی عمارات پر دعوے جمانے شروع کردیئے کہ یہاں پہلے مندرہواکرتے تھے۔ انہوں نے درگاہ حضرت معین الدین چشتی اجمیریؒ ، قطب مینار، تاج محل اور بابری مسجد سمیت تین سو کے لگ بھگ تاریخی عمارات، مزارات اورمساجد کے بارے میں ایسے دعاوی کئے۔ بابری مسجد کو توگراہی چکے ہیں ،اب دیگر کے درپے ہیں۔ اِس کے علاوہ انہوں نے 1991ء تک صرف مشرقی پنجاب میں خود بھارت کے وزیرِ مملکت رام لعل جی کے لوک سبھامیں دیئے گئے بیان کے مطابق 15340عام مساجد اور مدارس پر قبضہ کرکے انہیں سرکاری وغیرسرکاری دفاتر بنا لیا پورے ہندوستان میں یہ تعداد اس سے کئی گنازیادہ ہے۔ 
اے قائد ! ہم یہ بھی خوب سمجھتے ہیں کہ کہ اگر پاکستان نہ بنتا تو متحدہ ہندوستان میں ہماری سیاسی، سماجی،مذہبی اور معاشی حیثیت وہی ہوتی جو مسلمانوں کی آج ہندوستا ن میں ہے ۔ احمد آباد گجرات کے فسادات کی انکوائری کرنے والے کمیشن کے سربراہ جسٹس راجندرسنگھ ساچر کی رپورٹ کے مطابق ہندوستا ن میں مسلمان کُل آبادی کا14 فیصد (آج 15فیصد )ہیں ۔ ان میں سے دیہاتی علاقوں میں رہنے والے 95فیصد مسلمان غربت کی لکیر سے نیچے زندگی گذار رہے ہیں۔ 62فیصد مسلمانوں کے پاس اپنا مکان یاکوئی ذاتی ٹکڑا زمین نہیں ہے۔ دیہاتی علاقوں کے 55فیصد اور شہری علاقوں کے 60فیصد مسلمان کبھی سکول نہیں گئے ۔ شہری علاقوں میں رہنے والے مسلمانوں میں سے تین فیصد گریجوایٹ اور ایک فیصد کے قریب پوسٹ گریجوایٹ ہیں ۔ مسلمان ہندوستان کی سنٹرل سروسزمیں صرف دوفیصد جبکہ مسلح افواج اور پولیس میں دوفیصدسے بھی کم ہیں،اور وہ بھی انتہائی نچلے درجے کی ملازمتوں پر۔ 14فیصد آبادی رکھنے والے مسلمانوں کی ہندوستان کی لوک سبھا میں نمائندگی صرف پانچ فیصد ہے۔ 
بھارت میں آج اُسی نریندرمودی کی حکومت ہے جس کی وزارتِ اعلیٰ کے دور میں احمد آباد گجرات کا مندرجہ بالا روح فرسا واقعہ پیش آیاتھا۔ اور آج ایک بار پھر پورے ہندوستان میں مسلمانوں کا ناطقہ بند کیاجارہا ہے ۔گائے کاگوشت کھانے پر مسلمانوں کوہلاک کیاجارہا ہے۔ کوئی اس ظلم پر ذر اسی زبان کھولتا ہے تو ہندوانتہاپسند اُسے ملک دشمن قرار دے کر اس کی جان کے درپے ہو جاتے ہیں ۔مسلمانوں کے حق میں ذرا سی لب کشائی پر ملک کے چوٹی کے مسلمان فنکاروں عامر خان اور شاہ رخ خان، جن کی اپنی بیویاں ہندو ہیں اور جن کے بچوں کے نام بھی ہندووانہ ہیں، اور دلیپ کمارکے ساتھ ان کا سلوک اِس کی واضح مثالیں ہیں۔ پاکستان کے سابق وزیرِ خارجہ خورشید محمود قصوری اور پاکستانی گلوگار غلام علی کو دعوت دے کر بلایاگیااورپھر اُن کی محفلیں اُلٹا دی گئیں اور ان کے میزبانوں کامنہ کالاکیاگیا۔ پاکستانی کرکٹ بورڈ کے چیرمین شہریارخان کاگھیراؤ کرکے انہیں بھارت کرکٹ کنٹرول بورڈ کے چیرمین سے مذاکرات کے لئے ہوٹل سے نہ نکلنے دیاگیا۔بھارت کی کئی ریاستوں اور صوبوں میں گائے ذبح کرنے پر پابندی لگادی گئی ہے ۔ پچھلے ہفتے بھارتی وزیر تعلیم نے چندی گڑھ میں ایک تقریب سے خطاب کرتے ہوئے یہاں تک کہہ دیاکہ مسلمان بچوں کو حصولِ تعلیم کا کوئی حق حاصل نہیں ۔ اُنہوں نے تمام تعلیمی اداروں پر زور دیاکہ وہ مسلمان بچوں کو اپنے سکولوں، کالجوں اور جامعات سے نکال دیں۔ غرض بھارت میں مسلمانوں کیخلاف بغیر کسی وجہ کے ایک طوفانِ بدتمیزی برپاہے۔ اور یہ کوئی پہلی بار نہیں ہورہا ۔ بھارت میں قیامِ پاکستان سے بہت پہلے سے لے کر آج تک کوئی سال ،کوئی ماہ، کوئی دن ایسا نہیں گزرا جب یہ سب کچھ کہیں نہ کہیں اور کسی نہ کسی پیمانے پر نہ ہو رہاہو۔اے ہمارے قائد! یہی سب کچھ دیکھتے اور محسوس کرتے ہوئے پچھلے 68سال سے ہمیں بارباریہ احساس ہوا ہے کہ پاکستان اللہ تعالیٰ کا بیش بہا عطیہ ہے جو اِس خطہۂ زمین کے مسلمانوں کوآپ کے تدبر،ذہانت اور ُ جہدِ مسلسل کے نتیجے میں عطاہوا۔ ہم اللہ اور آپ کے بے حد شکرگذار ہیں۔
اے قائد!بے شک جب پاکستان بنا تو یہ ایک بے سروسامان اوربے یارومددگارملک تھا ۔ سرکاری ملازمین کی تنخواہیں تک اداکرنے کے لئے فنڈ نہ تھے ۔ کوئی قابلِ ذکر صنعت وکارخانہ تھا اور نہ کوئی ڈیم۔ ضرورت کے مقابلے میں انتہائی کم ذرائع رسل ورسائل ، تعلیمی ادارے، سرکاری ملازمین وسرکاری ادارے اور نہ ہونے کے برابر درآمد وبرآمد۔ لے دے کے صرف ایک زراعت تھی یاپھر جوش وجذبے ،بلنداُمنگوں اور ناممکن کو ممکن بنانے کا عزم لئے ہوئے پاکستانی قوم۔ آج اللہ کے فضل وکرم سے پاکستان میں سینکڑوں بڑی بڑی صنعتی ، تجارتی ، تعمیراتی اور ترقیاتی ایمپائر کھڑی ہیں۔ ذرائع رسل ورسائل میں حیرت انگیز ترقی ہوئی ہے۔ شرح خواندگی میں کئی گنا اضافہ ہوچکاہے۔ تعلیمی ادارے ، صحت کے مراکز اور دوسرے ضروری ادارے گوبہت زیادہ نہ سہی، لیکن قیامِ پاکستان کے وقت ملے ہوئے ورثے کے مقابلے میں کئی گنازیادہ ہیں ۔ آ ج پاکستان میں پاکستانی خود ہی آجر اور خود ہی اجیر ، خود ہی ورکر اور خود ہی مالک ، خود ہی کانسٹیبل اور خود ہی آئی جی، خود ہی سپاہی اور خود ہی جرنیل ، خود ہی نائب قاصد اور خود ہی سیکرٹری ہیں ۔ مسلمان ہندوستان میں نہ پہلے کبھی ایسا تھا اور نہ آج ایساہے۔ آج ہندوستان میں مسلمانوں کی آبادی پاکستان کے برابر ہے ۔ اِن میں سے کتنے مسلمان بڑی صنعتوں ، کارخانوں اور تجارتی وتعمیراتی اداروں کے مالک ہیں؟ ہندوستان میں توآج مسلمان اور دِلت ہندوستان کے شہری ہونے کے باوجود شہروں میں اپنی جائیداد نہیں بنا سکتے۔ نہ کوئی اُنہیں کرایہ پر گھر دیتاہے ۔ آج پاکستان میں36لاکھ کے قریب سرکاری ملاز م ہیں جن میں سے 95فیصد مسلمان ہیں ۔ اگر پاکستان نہ بنتا تو کیا متحدہ ہندوستان میں رہتے ہوئے اِن علاقوں میں جو آج پاکستان میں شامل ہیں کے مسلمانوں کو اتنی بڑی تعداد میں اور اس پائے کی سرکاری ملازمتیں حاصل ہوسکتی تھیں ؟ تو پھر اے قائد ! ہم آپ کے شکرگذار کیوں نہ ہوں!آج پاکستان آبادی کے اعتبار سے دنیاکا چھٹا بڑا ملک ہے۔ اوراگر مشرقی پاکستان الگ نہ ہوتا توآج پاکستان چین اورہندوستان کے بعد دنیا کاتیسرا بڑا ملک ہوتا۔پاکستان کی فوج افرادی قوت کے اعتبار سے دنیا کی ساتویں بڑی فوج ہے، جبکہ پیشہ وارانہ مہارت اور قابلیت کے اعتبار سے پاک فوج اور اس کی انٹیلی جنس ایجنسی دنیامیں نمبر ایک شمار کی جاتی ہے۔ سب سے بڑھ کر یہ کہ پاکستان واحد مسلمان ایٹمی طاقت ہے۔ پاکستان عالمِ اسلام کا اہم ترین ملک ہے ۔آج دنیا میں پاکستان کی اہمیت کو دوست اور دشمن سب تسلیم کرتے ہیں ۔ اس کی رضامندی ونا رضامندی کالحاظ کئے بغیر اس خطے کے بارے میں کوئی فیصلہ نہیں ہوسکتا۔ اپنی جغرافیائی، جنگی اور سٹریٹیجک پوزیشن کے اعتبار سے پاکستان پورے ایشیا کا سب سے اہم ترین ملک ہے، چین اور بھار ت سے بھی کہیں زیادہ۔ چشمِ تصور میں ایک لمحہ کے لئے دنیا کے نقشے سے پاکستان کو محوکرکے دیکھیں ،جیسا کہ یہ 1947ء سے پہلے تھا۔ دنیا، خصوصاً پورے ایشیا ، کی سیاست اور عالمی پالیسیاں ہی بدل جائیں گی ۔ یہ ہے پاکستان کی اہمیت اور اس کی قدروقیمت! اِسی لئے یہ بہتوں، خصوصاً ہندوبھارت ،کی نظرمیں بُری طرح کھٹکتاہے اور کیوں نہ کھٹکے ۔ رمضان المبارک کا مہینہ ، شب قدر کی رات، جمعۃ الوداع کا دن اور پاکستان کا وجود میں آنا ، یہ محض اتفاق نہیں ۔اس میں اللہ تعالیٰ کی ایک خاص حکمت اور مشیت پوشیدہ ہے ۔اہلِ کشف ونظر کے مطابق پاکستان کو اس خطہ میں نہایت اہم ،کلیدی اور قائدانہ کردار اداکرنا ہے۔ 
اے قائد! اس قدر عظیم ، اس قدر اہم ترین اور اس قدرقدرتی وانسانی وسائل سے مالا مال ملک پاکستان لے کر دینے پر ہم اور ہماری اگلی پچھلی نسلیں ہمیشہ آپ کی شکرگذار اور احسان مند رہیں گی۔ ایک ایساپاکستان کہ جہاں چار موسم ، بیک وقت سمندر، صحرا،میدان، سطح مرتفع اور بلندوبالا پہاڑ ،دنیاکی سب سے گہری بندرگاہ، گوادر، دنیا کا دوسرا بلند ترین پہاڑ، کے ٹو،دنیاکی پانچ بلند ترین چوٹیاں لئے ہوئے شمالی علاقہ جات، گلگت بلتستان، دنیا میں کوئلے کے بڑے بڑے ذخائر میں سے ایک ، تھرکول، لوہے، تانبے، سونے، گیس اور تیل سے بھری کانیں اور کنویں، دنیا کا سب سے بڑا مصنوعی آب پاشی کا نظام ، دنیا کے بڑے بڑے ڈیموں میں سے ایک ڈیم، تربیلا ڈیم،بڑے بڑے صحراؤں میں سے ایک صحرا،صحرائے تھر اور طویل ترین دریاؤں میں سے ایک دریا،دریائے سندھ، واقع ہیں ۔پاکستان جو دنیاکی قدیم ترین تہذیبوں میں سے ایک ، وادئ سندھ کی تہذیب ، اور ہڑپہ ،موہنجوداڑو، ٹیکسلا، کوٹ ڈیجی جیسے آثارِقدیمہ اور عالمی ورثہ جات کے ساتھ ساتھ دو نوبل انعام یافتگان ، ڈاکٹر عبدالسلام اورملالہ ،کاگھر ہے۔کیا کسی دوسرے ملک کو بیک وقت اتنے اعزازات اور امتیازات حاصل ہیں؟
اے قائد !ہم آپ کے اس لئے بھی شکر گذار ہیں کہ آپ نے قیامِ پاکستان سے قبل اوربعد ایک سو سے زائد بار بالکل صاف اور واضح انداز میں یہ کہہ کر کہ ’’پاکستان ایک اسلامی جمہوری ریاست ہوگاجس کا نظامِ حکومت قرآن وسنت کے اصولوں کی روشنی میں چلایا جائے گا‘‘، پاکستان کی نظریاتی اساس ، آئین اور طرزِ حکومت کے خدوخال بھی حتمی طور پر متعین کردیئے ۔ آج کس مائی کے لعل میں جرأت ہے کہ آپ کے اعلان کردہ پاکستان کے اس اسلامی تشخص کو متنازع بنائے اور پاکستان کو اس تشخص اور نصب العین کے خلاف چلانے کی کوشش کرے۔ 
اے قائد! آپ ہمارے مسیحا، ہمارے رہنما اورہمارے روحانی باپ ہیں ۔ اللہ آپ کی قبر کو نور سے بھر دے اور آپ کو جنت میں اعلیٰ ترین مقام عطافرمائے۔ اور آپ کا بنایاہوا ملک پاکستان ہمیشہ قائم ودائم رہے
By Altaf Qamar [Retired IG Police]
Source: http://dailypakistan.com.pk/edition1/25-Dec-2015/311754


Jinnah - The Making of Pakistan [HD Version of the English ...

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This is the HD Version of the documentary, not available on the net. Thanks to Prof. Dr. Akbar S. Ahmad for ...

jinnah pakistani full film (hd).. with prof about qaid-e-azam 

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OR KYA JINNAH PAKISATN KO AK SECULAR REASAT BANANA CHAHTE THY DEKHYE PROF KHUD ...

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Tuesday, December 15, 2015

Madressah reforms

IN the National Action Plan (NAP), points 10 and 18 convey the state’s resolve to register and regulate madressahs and eradicate sectarian terrorism. Both actions fall primarily within the preview of the criminal justice system but we are still far from achieving these objectives. We need to undertake a forensic analysis of the madressah landscape in Pakistan before we can move forward.

The commonalities and differences bet­ween formal education and madressahs can be identified through a diagnostic approach whose terms of reference should include the following: what percentage of school dropouts is attracted by madressahs? Is there any established link of madressah curriculums with militancy and terrorism? Are madressahs really spreading sectarianism and extremism? Is integration of madressahs into the formal education system a viable option?

Would it be appropriate to reform madressahs in isolation or should such reforms be part of broader educational reforms? What are the hurdles in communication between government and madressahs? What is the actual number of madressahs and their students?

Where schools are absent, madressahs are an alternate educational facility. Our madressahs have multi-dimensional characteristics, including political, sectarian and foreign leanings. According to the report The Madressah Conundrum, there are approximately 35,000 seminaries in Pakistan. Organised under five boards of different ideologies, most of them are of Deobandi and Barelvi persuasion and, according to media reports, are imparting religious education to approximately 3.5 million students.

There has been a mushroom growth in the number of women’s madressahs, and the reasons for this should be explored. Although a clear breakdown of male and female madressahs is unavailable, it is estimated that girl students constitute 30pc of the total strength.

Foreign students in madressahs are not really an issue. Over the years, strict government regulations as well as the obsolete curriculums taught at madressahs, have led to a 74pc reduction in foreign students’ enrolment. In 2006, there were 10,117 foreign students from 45 countries enrolled in Pakistani madressahs; currently, the figure is down to 2,673 from 37 countries.

Religious leaders too have been the target of militancy.
A total of 182 suspect madressahs have been closed since NAP was announced. Of these, two were in Punjab, 167 in Sindh and 13 in KP. A research-based study can determine how many graduates of madressahs have been involved in militancy or criminal activities. Has anyone devised a programme to integrate madressahs into the formal education system? How about examining the ways in which the clergy can be used to counter extremism?

Section 21 of The Societies Registration Act, 1860, which was inserted in 2006, requires registration of madressahs within one year. Originally the act was meant to cover the registration of literary, scientific and charitable societies in colonial times. As per Section 21, madressahs must submit annual reports of their educational activities and audited accounts to the registrar’s office. Section 21(4) clearly states that such institutions shall neither teach militancy nor spread hatred.

Seminaries are generally regarded as traditional educational facilities not compatible with modern educational values. However, such perceptions need to be objectively evaluated. For their part, madressahs, which tend to believe that curriculum and management are their exclusive jurisdiction — in the process of which they neglect curriculum development and teacher training — must cooperate with the state and prove they are not in conflict with it.

Without a partnership between academic institutions, madressahs, the National Counter Terrorism Authority, investigation and intelligence agencies, it will be difficult to determine the exact linkages between madressahs and militancy.

Reforms cannot be effective until the reasons for mistrust between the clergy and state are understood. For the majority of the clergy, madressah reforms are an initiative driven by an external agenda with foreign funding.

After 9/11, and more recently following the announcement of NAP, madressah reforms once again are in the forefront. However, reforms without the clergy’s participation prove futile. Although registration is a legal requirement, madressahs do not want to surrender their autonomy. To equip the faculty with modern teaching skills, it is imperative to establish teacher training colleges for mohtamims at provincial levels. They should be trained in human rights, religious tolerance, interfaith harmony and computers.

One should not forget that madressahs too have been the target of militancy. Religious leaders like Maulana Hassan Jan and Maulana Sarfaraz Naeemi lost their lives at the hands of extremists against whose tactics they spoke out.

Madressahs should not be seen as an adversarial educational system but rather as an alternative. But it is the state’s responsibility to regulate them.
By MOHAMMAD ALI BABAKHEL
The writer is a police officer.
Source: http://www.dawn.com/news/1225968/madressah-reforms

Sunday, November 29, 2015

Ideology of Pakistan - Debate


A steady but intense debate is taking place all over social, print and electronic media in Pakistan. The trigger has been the worrisome condition of the state and polity of the country that have been facing a serious existentialist crisis ever since extremist militancy began to reach unprecedented propositions from the early 2000s.

The debate is squarely based on the following question: What role (rather, how much of a role) should faith be playing in the matters of the state, governance and society in a country like Pakistan that came into being as a Muslim-majority entity? This question (and the debate that itusually triggers), is certainly not a new phenomenon. It has cropped up before.

But the urgency that it seems to have gathered today had been missing for over three decades now.

This urgency is largely the result of some extraordinary policies that the state and the government finally decided to enact from early 2014 to curb the once seemingly uncontrollable menace of extremist violence and bigotry that Pakistan has been in the grip of, especially after 2006.

The decision of the Pakistan armed forces (under General Raheel Sharif) to exhibit certain overt maneuvers to tackle the mentioned menace; and the (albeit hesitant) anti-extremist actions of thecurrent PML-N regime, have opened up the debate, giving it the kind of fluency that it had been lacking for decades.

In a nutshell, one section in the debate insists that whatever that was concocted in the name of a national ideology (after Jinnah`s demise in 1948; or more so, after the late 1970s), is largely to be blamed for popularising an idea of nationhood engineered through the state`s many experiments that seeded a non-organic ideology.

They believe such an ideology characteristically mutated into becoming a dogma that has contributed the most to whatever that has gone down in the country in the way of faith-based violence and the ever-increasing episodes ofbigotry.

The other section disagrees. It suggests that it is the opposing section that is to be blamed because it undermined the true raison d`etre of Pakistan`s creation by imposing `alien / Western concepts` of governance and nationhood and (in the process) stalled the infusion of divine laws and culture in a country that came into being in the name of faith.

As the debate rages on and the military establishment, the state and government of Pakistan now find themselves urgently trying to carve out a much clearer middle-ground between the two poles, it should be remembered that this debate is not a sudden occurrence that emerged from a manic vacuum.

A similar debate had raged in the country almost four decades ago (in the 1960s). The question that triggered that debate was quite similar to the one thatis prompting the current one.

The only difference is that the 1960s were a more tolerant period in which an inte11cetually superior debate was likely to thrive and in which various wellknown scholarly figureheads from both sides of the divide participated.

The debate had crupted with the coinage of the term, `Pakistan Ideology` As author and historian, Ayesha Jalal, has often observed, the term `Pakistan Ideology` was nowhere in the speeches during the creation of Pakistan in 1947.

Nor was its Urdu expression `Nazriya-iPakistan`.

When the 1962 Constitution of Field Marshal Ayub Khan`s regime highlighted its understanding of Pakistani nationhood to mean being a Muslim (as opposed to a theological) state where a modernist and reformist spirit of Islam would guide the country`s politics and society, the religious parties opposed it.

It was at this point that the term Nazriya-i-Pakistan first emerged. It is largely believed that the expression was first used by the Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) who suggested that Pakistan`s ideology should be squarely based on policies constructed through the dictates of the faith, striving to turn Pakistan into a theological entity.

The debate about exactly what kind of a vision drove Jinnah to demand a separate Muslim country in South Asia, and what should constitute Pakistani culture and nationhood peaked in the late 1960s when Zulfikar Ali Bhutto formed the left-leaning Pakistan People`s Party (PPP); and when Sindhi, Baloch, Pushtun and Bengali nationalists accel-erated their agitation for provincial autonomy.

After witnessing the ascendency of leftist parties in Pakistan in the late 1960s and the growing agitation by ethnic nationalists, JI`s founder and prolific Islamic scholar, Abul Ala Maududi, declared that socialism was an anti-religious ideology.

Prominent progressiveintellectuals such as Hanif Ramay and poet Faiz Ahmed Faiz responded by emphasising that Pakistani nationhood and culture were multi-ethnic and multicultural and best served by democracy and socialism.

Maududi struck back by explaining leftist and liberal Pakistani political organisations and cultural outfits as `Trojan horses` who had infiltrated Pakistani society and government to `damage the country`s faith-based fabric.

Responding to Maududi`s outburst, the popular Urdu literary magazinc, Nusrat (that had been founded by Hanif Ramay) began to run a series of essays ex plaining `Maududiat`.

Though the term had been first coined by Maududi`s opponents in another religious outfit, the Jamiat Ulema Islam (JUI), which had accused Maududi of trying to construct a separate sect, Nusrat and eventually the PPP used the term to define Maududi`s philosophy as being opportunistic because he had originally opposed the creation of Pakistan but was now using the polities of the same country to safeguard his `economic (industrialist) and foreign (Western / capitalist) allies (from socialism).

Maududi bounced back and accused the leftists of being on the strings of the Soviet Union. The JI began publishing Maududi`s new Nazriya-i-Pakistan thesis along with his earlier writings.

Author and journalist, Safdar Mir, claimed that JI had omitted republishing the essays that Maududi had written before Pakistan`s creation and in which he had lambasted the Pakistan Movement because (according to Maududi) Muslim Nationalism was contrary to the univer-sality of Islam.

Mir sardonically lay into Maududi`s thesis by reproducing the contents of the missing essays. On the other end, famous lawyer, A.K.

Brobi (who, ironically, was part of the anti-JI Ayub regime before its fall in 1969) and popular novelist, Naseem Hijazi, sided with Maududi and denounced the period`sleftist forces for being `anti-religion` and `anti-Pakistan` The debate abated after the 1970 election. But the separation of East Pakistan (1971), the economic failure of the first PPP regime (1971-77), the emergence of a reactionary dictatorship (1977-88) and the fall-out (in Pakistan) of the Afghan Civil War, retarded the debate.

Decades later it has returned; or rather, it has returned to become a proper polemical entity again as opposed to being a one-sided narrative which began explaining opposing ideas (of what constitutes Pakistani Nationhood and ideology), as a threat to the country`s existence.

Thus, one section of the debate is now claiming that such an existentialist threat actually emerged due to the myopic egoism of the post-`77 narrative, while the other section is suggesting that this happened because what the narrative suggested was never properly implemented.

It is still too early to determine which way the debate would turn. But the way it has opened up once again after years of becoming extremely narrow and mutated, the changing conducts of the military establishment and the government in this context should encourage the debate by drawing in more scholarly-sound men and women from both sides of the divide. Because so far, unlike the one in 1960s, this debate is still being largely moderated and defined by somewhat ill-informed and `abistorical` opinions (especially on the electronic and social medias).

After all, it is the synthesis emerging from such a debate that can surely provide the key to any positive outcome of a country and polity in turmoil.
By Nadeem.F.Paracha Dawn.com

More: 
Why Pakistan? http://pakistan-posts.blogspot.com/p/why-pakistan.html

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The Other Perspective

Reclaiming the original ideology
By Zahid Hussain

Liberalism is a political philosophy or world view founded on ideas of liberty and equality. The former principle is stressed in classical liberalism while the latter is more evident in social liberalism.
Liberalism - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberalism 

Nawaz Sharif is under intense attack by the religious lobby for calling for making Pakistan a ‘liberal’ democratic nation. The chief of the Jamaat-i-Islami wants the prime minister to withdraw his comments, which were made at an investment conference. Though Sharif actually used the term in the context of the economy, it has nonetheless triggered a renewed debate on the ideology of Pakistan.

Islamic parties gathered under the umbrella of the Milli Yakjehti Council (MYC) have threatened to launch nationwide protests against what they describe as a ‘conspiracy’ to turn Pakistan into a secular state. “We cannot compromise on the basic ideology of Pakistan,” they have vowed. This squabbling lot that never agrees on any religious issue now appears united in defending the country’s ‘Islamic identity’.

Such a strong reaction to the mere mention of the term ‘liberal’ does not come as a surprise given the ignorance and narrow outlook of our religious elite. More shocking, however, are the views of some supposedly moderate political leaders on the concept of liberal democracy and secularism. One wonders how these political philosophies clash with the basis on which this country was founded.

Nothing could be more ludicrous than the claim by Sirajul Haq that the remarks by the prime minister are contrary to the Constitution, the philosophy of Allama Iqbal and the principles laid down by the Quaid-i-Azam. How do concepts of political and civil liberties and religious freedom come into the conflict with Pakistan’s original ideology and the vision of the nation’s founding fathers?

Liberal democracy was the core ideology of Pakistan’s founding, as articulated by the Quaid himself.

In fact, it is an attempt to redefine Pakistan’s ideology that has harmed the country the most by widening the religious divide within its polity. The Islamist groups gathered under the banner of the MYC have been instrumental in fuelling sectarian differences and religious extremism in the country. One of the participants in the group’s recent meeting was Jamaatud Dawa chief Hafiz Saeed whose organisation is on the UN list of terrorist organisations.

Liberal democracy was the core ideology of the foundation of Pakistan, something that was clearly articulated by Mohammad Ali Jinnah in an interview to Reuters in 1946. “The new state,” he said, “would be a modern democratic state with sovereignty resting in the people and the members of the new nation having equal rights of citizenship regardless of their religion, caste or creed.”

Pakistan was never supposed to be, in the words of Mr Jinnah, a “theocratic state” that these religious groups strive for. In fact, the country has long deviated from this core principle. Theocracy is anathema to the modern democracy that the Quaid had envisaged.

The country drifted from its ideals when the state got involved in religious matters, and with deciding who was and wasn’t a true Muslim. It went from bad to worse when the religious groups, many of whom are part of the MYC, took it upon themselves to determine the Islamic credentials of different sects. This has also been the major cause for the deaths of thousands of Muslims in sectarian violence in Pakistan.

Rising religious extremism and intolerance have led to escalation in violence against religious minorities and their systematic persecution. The mob attacks on Christian colonies and the lynching of Ahmadis in the name of faith has given the country the dubious reputation of being among the most intolerant nations in the world. What happened in Shantinagar, Gojra, Joseph Colony, etc and more recently in Jhelum is testimony to that.

Many of these religious groups have been directly and indirectly patronising militant organisations such as the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan. They rationalise terrorist attacks that have killed thousands of innocent people including young children and also provide religious sanction to suicide bombings. Is that the country that our founding fathers had envisaged?

Not surprisingly, the MYC has criticised the recent Supreme Court ruling upholding the death sentence of Mumtaz Qadri, the police guard who murdered Salmaan Taseer. Most of those comprising it have publicly condoned the killing of the former governor of Punjab in the name of alleged blasphemy. They have reserved their harshest criticism for that section of the ruling that said that calling for the reform of the blasphemy law is not blasphemy.

The misuse of the blasphemy law both against Muslims and non-Muslims has increased in recent years, in that it is being used as a licence to kill. Many of the mob attacks are instigated by clerics associated with these groups. The latest such example is the burning of an Ahmadi-owned factory and an Ahmadi place of worship in Jhelum last week sparked by allegations that some employees of the factory had committed blasphemy. Announcements from area mosques instigated the crowd to violence.

One wonders why the law has not come into action against Hafiz Saeed for making inflammatory statements. Although the media is barred from reporting the activities of his organisation, his remarks against the prime minister were widely covered. It is highly ironic that he is projecting himself as the protector of Pakistan’s ideology.

Liberalism is the essence of modern democracy. It is a philosophy that believes in progress, religious tolerance, the essential goodness of the human race, the autonomy of the individual and protection of political and civil liberties. How are these values in conflict with our religion as these self-styled guardians of Islam claim? For this country’s stability and progress we need to go back to the ideals of our founding fathers.

The country has suffered hugely as a result of religious bigotry and the wrong interpretation of Pakistan’s ideology. Pakistan was created to be a modern democratic state with freedom of belief and religion. It was not supposed to be an obscurantist state as the country is now being portrayed by assorted so-called Islamic groups. We must reclaim the original ideology of Pakistan if we really want to move forward and establish a tolerant society. Liberal democracy is the only answer to violent extremism and religious bigotry.

By Zahid Hussain: The writer is an author and journalist.
Comments:
RIAZNov 25, 2015 07:27am
Liberal or theocratic are both irrelevant. Their is one and just one ideology practiced in Pakistan. It is feudal ideology in every nook and corner of Pakistan's culture and mindset irrespective of one's claims to be liberal or Islamic. Corruption, nepotism, patronage and the high and mighty being above law and accountability are feudal paradigms that are in the very DNA of Pakistan. The so called liberals keep the nation illiterate to ensure their vote bank of ignorants who vote for them no matter how corrupt and disgusting they are. The religious on the other hand ensure their vote banks by offering free education with free board and lodging. They churn out useless programmed human robots with ability to think rationally rendered immune for good at a young age with systematic and sustained dogmatic indoctrination.
More comments: http://www.dawn.com/news/1222036

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Wednesday, November 25, 2015

Bad Governance & Democracy

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Let me start with the famous remark made by Winston Churchill on democracy: “Indeed it has been said that democracy is the worst form of government except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.” It is quite common in Pakistan to see people complaining against democratic governments over every major or minor issue. There is widespread public disappointment with the performance of governments today, but this has always been the case whenever we have had elected governments. Let us acknowledge, with open minds, that dynastic leaders, parties, the electoral elite, political families and powerful political groups, in every region of Pakistan, have very few achievements and little success to show to the public. They are long and strong on rhetoric and very short and weak on performance.
Image result for bad democracy quotes

One more thing in our social and democratic context is very important, which is also true for other Muslim majority societies, i.e., the solid connection between misrule and rise of extremism, terrorism and militant ethno-nationalism. Misrule is perhaps a polite and benign expression for the massive plunder of Pakistan by the ruling elite, often elected on the strength of illegal monies and strong political networks they have created. Most of the ruling elite have little respect for the people of this land or any real interest in the development of this society. They are here for the easy money they can make and when the going gets a little tough, they escape to their safe havens abroad — and live in peace, prosperity and happiness.

The rise of radicalism in every Muslim society has been a real cause of the neglect of education, rule of law, good universal values and governance. Unlawful behaviour of the elite and the immunity they enjoy through their power and political clout, have in turn produced many forms of illegalities in society. The deterioration of values, decline of institutions and weakening of laws and their implementation have spread to every part of society. Political catchwords like ‘we have done nothing wrong’ and ‘no court has convicted us’ tell us more about the failure of the system of accountability than the innocence of all famous and infamous political players of the country. Their conduct in power has created a vacuum of ethical legitimacy that has been effectively exploited by radical ideology, which argues that the failure of the ruling elite is actually the ‘failure’ of Western democracy, and that elected public figures are nothing but ‘tools’ of Western powers.

Add to this pervasive social discourse and popular narratives at the lower levels of society is the problem posed by our young population that is without adequate, let alone good education, and has limited employment opportunities and avenues for personal progress. Indeed, these are all serious problems that may continue to pull Pakistan down. Ignoring these problems, which are often associated with democracy and ‘democrats’, is not an option anymore.

What is the alternative to bad democracy? Frankly speaking, none. After four military interventions and more than four democratic movements as well as the restoration of the Constitution, democracy has emerged as a ‘default position’ for Pakistan. Our institutional endowment for democracy is far stronger than any other Muslim state’s, and we have a long history of development of political and state institutions going back to colonial times.

We have the means to improve conditions under democratic rule, and we know how others have transformed bad democracies into good ones. Chief among them is public awareness, which is better than before. We have laws and institutions that need to be strengthened and should be made to work in the areas of accountability and rule of law. Pakistan’s future progress, order, stability and coherence depend on good democracy.
By Rasul Bakhsh Rais: The writer is a professor of political science at LUMS
http://tribune.com.pk/story/997619/living-in-a-bad-democracy/
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Fuss over good governance:

Image result for bad democracy quotes
By Imtiaz Gul:
The Pakistani media has been awash with heated debates over the ‘unconstitutionality’ of the concerns on good governance that General Raheel Sharif conveyed during the November 10 Corps Commanders’ conference. Opposition members of parliament pounced upon the army chief’s advice in order to settle scores with the government. The discourse in the media clearly stemmed from the civilian government’s displeasure over the advice coming from a “constitutionally subordinate institution”.

But was this really something unusual given Pakistan for decades has been guided by the military establishment and an erratic, self-serving civilian ruling elite? Certainly not. So, why all the fuss? Let us first see how the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific defines good governance. It describes it as “decision-making by which decisions are implemented (or not implemented)”. It also identifies eight major characteristics that constitute good governance: a system that is participatory, consensus-oriented, accountable, transparent, responsive, effective and efficient, equitable and inclusive, and follows the rule of law. It assures that corruption is minimised, the views of minorities are taken into account and that the voices of the most vulnerable in society are heard in decision-making. Can the federal and provincial governments claim they are following all or some of these ingredients of good governance? The answer is largely in the negative on many counts.

Despite Finance Minister Ishaq Dar’s rosy projections, Pakistan is ranked a lowly 138 out of 189 countries on the World Bank’s Doing Business 2016 ranking. Has the government elevated or jolted the confidence of multinationals already operating in a fragile situation? We understand that the FBR is acting like a ‘robber baron’ to extract funds for its IMF-dictated resource mobilisation campaign. In a high-handed, unbecoming manner, individuals and businesses are being asked to cough up funds to meet IMF demands. This state of affairs will certainly not encourage foreign investments, nor will other countries remove travel advisories for those of their citizens intending to visit Pakistan.

The recent Midterm Report Card for Members of National Assembly (MNA), launched by Alif Ailaan, states that only three out of a total of 272 elected MNAs managed an overall ‘A’ grade in the scorecard for progress in terms of school facilities, student retention, gender parity and the student-teacher ratio in public schools of their constituencies. So much for the democrats’ love and commitment to education! Has the Model Town case of 2014 or the Kasur child sexual abuse case been resolved to the satisfaction of the aggrieved? What steps have been taken so far to review and amend the dated Criminal Procedure Code or the 1861 Police Act — both being at the root of low conviction rates, heavy pendency and unreasonably protracted trials often to the disadvantage of the poor and the victims?

Has the Punjab government followed principles of transparency, fairness and the rule of law when approving funds for the Orange Line project or for the security of the Sharif family in Jati Umra? Removal of reluctant government officials and replacing them with yes men certainly doesn’t bespeak good governance. Hospitals, even in provincial and federal capitals, are extremely short on critical, life-saving vaccines and equipment, such as ventilators. Hospital administrations have to wait for months to get petty amounts approved, while pregnant women are forced to give birth on the stairs of hospitals. On the other hand, the bureaucracy and chief ministers hardly waste a minute in approving tens of millions for their own security, with some 2,751 police officials already in the service of the entire Sharif family. Is this good governance? Has the government transparently resolved fiascos such as the Quaid-e-Azam Solar Park and Nandipur project? Or do ‘democrats’ believe that the poor man’s vote makes them accountable for their deeds?

The list of such questions is endless and this obligates civilian rulers to handle the poor man’s trust, i.e., votes, with some sincerity. All stakeholders — politicians, bureaucracy, the military, media and the civil society — are supposed to raise concerns when there are administrative lapses and legal deviations, more so in a culture where abuse of power and deviation from the rule of law are norms. Votes from the public do not give our rulers the carte blanche for arbitrary and self-serving governance. Questions, like the ones raised by General Raheel, will continue to be asked as long as rulers continue to abhor the rule of law and transparency.
The writer heads the independent Centre for Research and Security Studies, Islamabad and is author of Pakistan: Pivot of Hizbut Tahrir’s Global Caliphate
http://tribune.com.pk/story/997587/fuss-over-good-governance/

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