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Wake up Now ! جاگو ، جاگو ، جاگو

Wake up Pakistan ! Presently the Muslim societies are in a state of ideological confusion and flux. Materialism, terrorism,...

Wednesday, November 27, 2013

Gen Raheel Sharif & Gen Rashid Mahmood: The new military Commanders of Pakistan

The newly appointed Chief of Army Staff (COAS), Lieutenant General, Raheel Sharif, Hilal-i-Imtiaz (Military) hails from a martial stock. He was born in Quetta on 16 June 1956 to Major and Mrs Muhammad Sharif. He is younger brother of Major Shabir Sharif, Nishan-e-Haider (NH), Sitara-e-Jurrat (SJ) and Capt Mumtaz Sharif, Sitara-e-Bisalat (Sbt). He is an alumnus of Govt College Lahore, and Pakistan Military Academy from where he passed out with 54th Course. According to Bio Data issued by ISPR here on Wednesday, Raheel Sharif was commissioned in October 1976 in the battle hardened and renowned Battalion the Frontier Force Regiment. As a Young Officer, he performed his duties in Gilgit in an Infantry Brigade and also served as Adjutant of Pakistan Military Academy. 
He did Company Commander’s Course from Germany and subsequently served in the prestigious School of Infantry and Tactics as an instructor. 
He attended the Command and Staff College Canada, graduating with distinction.
The officer carries with him a vast experience of Command, Staff and Instructional appointments. 
He served as the Brigade Major of an Infantry Brigade and has commanded two infantry units i.e 6 Frontier Force Regiment at Kashmir along LOC and 26 Frontier Force Regiment along the Sialkot Border. 
He remained on the faculty of the Command and Staff College, Quetta and attended Armed Forces War Course at National Defence University, Islamabad in 1998. 
As a Brigadier, he has commanded two Infantry Brigades, including an Independent Infantry Brigade Group. 
The General has had the honor of being the Chief of Staff of two Corps, i.e 30 Corps and 12 Corps. 
He is also a graduate of the prestigious Royal College of Defence Studies, United Kingdom. 
He has been the General Officer Commanding of an Infantry Division and the Commandant of prestigious Pakistan Military Academy. 
As a Lieutenant General, he served as Corps Commander 30 Corps for two years before taking over as Inspector General Training and Evaluation in which capacity he oversaw the training of Pakistan Army. 
His stewardship resulted in fructification of Pakistan Army’s operational thought and doctrinal response to the much vaunted Cold Start doctrine of Indian Army. 
The General is married and has two sons and a daughter. He is an avid reader and enjoys hunting and swimming.

Gen. Rashad Mahmood - New Chairman Joint Staff Committe 

He has attended Company Commander Course from France and is a graduate of Command and Staff College Canada, National Defence College, Islamabad.
RAWALPINDI: Newly appointed Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (CJCSC), Lieutenant General Rashad Mahmood, Hilal-e-Imtiaz (Military) was commissioned in May 1975 in Baloch Regiment.

According to Bio Data issued by ISPR here, the General Officer has varied experience of Command, Staff and Instructional appointments.
His major appointments include Platoon Commander, Pakistan Military Academy, Brigade Major Infantry Brigade, Instructor at Command & Staff College and National Defence College.
He has remained Chief of Staff Bahawalpur Corps and Military Secretary to the President.
The General Officer has commanded two Infantry Battalions, two Infantry Brigades and United Nations contingent at Congo, Infantry Division at Jhelum, Director General at Inter Service Intelligence Directorate, Islamabad and Commander Lahore Corps.
After commanding the Corps, he took over as Chief of General Staff in January 2013. The General Officer has been conferred with Hilal-i-Imtiaz (Military).

کیا آپ پاکستان کے حالات سے پریشان ہیں؟
 اپنے پیارے وطن کے لیے کچھ کرنا چاہتے ہیں؟
مزید اس لنک پر 

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Monday, November 25, 2013

A deadly consciousness of religiosity

In medieval India, people were conscious of their social cast and ethnic identity but in the colonial period right up to 1813, new political and social changes significantly shaped religious identity and its consciousness.

In its earlier days the East India Company, being solely interested in economic expansion, but also aware of the religious sensitivities of the subcontinent, discouraged missionaries from coming to India. Later, as the government became more stable, their policies changed and they supported the missionaries who arrived in the subcontinent to convert people to Christianity.

The government believed that if the people converted and became Christians, it would be relatively easier to govern them on the basis of sharing the same religious beliefs.

The missionaries condemned the religions of the subcontinent and persuaded people to embrace the Christian faith. They openly preached in public places like Lahore`s Anarkali bazaar. Their activity intensified when in 1837, a German missionary known as Karl Pfander arrived in the subcontinent at a time when the Muslim community had lost its political power, vitality and energy.

He believed that the society was backward and degenerate, so it would be easy to convert people to Christianity, which was in his view an advanced and progressive religion. But his argument was refuted by Dr Nazir and Maulvi RehmatAli in public discussions and a disappointed Pfander left India in 1857.

The activities of the missionaries alarmed people who began to feel insecure about their religious beliefs. The Hindu and Muslim religious leaders came forward to defend their religion through munazra or public debates held in dif`f`erent cities, where people would gather to listen to religious scholars criticising each other`s f`aith while defending their own religion. These debates created a religious consciousness among the masses while elevating the social status of the religious scholars within the community.

Religious activity was further enhanced when religious organisations such as the Arya Samaj for the Hindu community; and the Tablighi Jamaat and Tanzim for the Muslim community, were founded in order to protect their respective religions. To reach out to the masses, newspapers, magazines, and pamphlets were published to highlight the truth of their avowed faith.

Hostility and conflict increased between the communities and riots broke out that continued up to partition in 1947.

As some Hindu or Muslim leaders converted to Christianity, the respective communities grew even more insecure. Another factor which further promoted religious identity was the f`irst census of 1881, which reported the numbers of people belonging to various religious communities. In this way, for the first time, the concept ofreligious majority and minority was created; later becoming a matter of conflict for the district council and municipal elections. Being a religious minority, the Muslims were concerned about not being able to win elections.

This prompted Sir Syed Ahmad Khan to oppose the democratic system; a policy adopted and followed by other Muslim leaders.

Eventually, the two-nation theory emerged as a result of religious consciousness among the Muslims. When the Hindi-Urdu conflict heated up, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan became convinced that the Hindus and Muslims could not become a nation as their religion and ways of life were quite distinct from one another.

Later on, he exploited religious ideals to winpopularity among the Muslims.

On the other hand, Savarker, a Hindu leader, presented the idea of Hindutva, according to which, the subcontinent was not a homeland for Muslims and Christians, but only the Hindus.

The fundamentalist views further exacerbated intolerance and hatred, creating disorder and chaos in the society.

Sadly, even after partition, the consciousness of religious identity has become a source of continuing hostility which has fragmented the entire fabric of society.

In Pakistan, religious identity further split into sectarian consciousness plunging the society into what seems like a never-ending 

کھلا خط آپ کے نام، پاکستان کے لیے

Open Letter for Pakistan

پاکستان کی ترقی ، خوشحالی اور امن کے لییے کچھ بنیادی معاملات طے کرنا ضروری ھیں. اس وقت پاکستانی سوسائٹی فکری طورپرتین بڑے حصوں تقسیم ہو چکا ہے : ایک طرف  "اشرافیہ , لبرل طبقہ"   دوسری طرف "خاموش اکثریت" ؛ تیسری طرف "مذہبی  شدت پسند دہشت گرد اور ان کے ہمدرد". ایسے حالات میں ضروری ہے کہ کنفیوژن کو دور کیا جائے تاکہ اکثریت ایک نقطہ نظر پر متفق ہو  جائے. اور پھر تمام توانایوں کو مرکوز کرکہ عظیم مقاصد ، امن . خوشحالی . ترقی کی طرف رواں دواں ہوں. اگر ہم کچھ بنیادی سوالات کا جواب موجودہ تناظرمیں قرآن سنت کی  روشنی میں معلوم کر لیں. ان پر قومی مباحثہ ہو جس میں میڈیا ، دانشور ، مذہبی سکالرز علماء ، سیاسی مفکرین ، سول سوسائٹی ، فوجی ماہرین ،  قانون ، خارجہ امور کے ماہرین اور تمام دوسرے متعلقہ ماہرین  اور عوام حصہ لیں . پھر جس پر سب یا اکثریت متفق ہو ان پر پھر ڈٹ کرعمل کریں تو پاکستان ایک ترقی یافتہ باعزت ملک، قوم  بن سکتا ہے .... اس لنک پر کلک کریں :
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Nuisance in the Middle Class of Pakistan

There have been three major occasions when the Pakistani middle-class has broken away from its traditionally conservative disposition to come out and announce its `revolutionary` political aspirations.

The first demonstration of this political assertiveness was in the late 1960s when the bulk of the youth began to air their grievances against Pakistan`s military-industrialist nexus headed by military dictator, Field Marshal Ayub Khan.

Owing to its inherently conservative worldview, one expected this middle class to oppose a secular-capitalist military dictatorship by siding with the mainstream anti-Ayub religious parties, but the many young men and women who led the revolt against Ayub turned sharply leftwards.

They seemed to have embraced ideas such as socialism and social democracy, largely expressed through political organisations such as the PPP, the National Students Federation and the National Awami Party.

The young, middle-class Pakistani`s romance with the leftist ideology lasted till about 1974, or until its ideological darling, Prime Minister Z.A. Bhutto, gradually dumped hyperbolic leftist action to play more pragmatic politics.

This was when middle-class leftist groups on campuses began to succumb to infighting and disillusionment. The vacuum was gladly filled by the rise of student parties, such as the Islami Jamiat-i-Tuleba (IJT).

The IJT`s growing strength on campuses was symptomatic of the anti Bhutto and anti-left murmurings that had started to gather steam within the country`s urban middle-classes, espe-cially in the face of Bhutto`s half baked socialist policies and increasingly autocratic behaviour.

By 1976, the middle-classes which, in the 1960s and early 1970s had resonated with progressive proclamations, set themselves to rise once again; but this time in search ol` an Islamic political and economic order.

Thus began the second incident of middle-class-driven agitation in Pakistan that peaked with the rightwing movement against Bhutto`s government.

Interestingly, whereas the middle class youth had targeted military and industrialist instruments during the anti-Ayub movement, the anti-Bhutto agitation was openly patronised and at times even funded by the industrialists.

It culminated in a military coup against the Bhutto regime and the arrival of Pakistan`s third military dictator, General Ziaul Haq, who cleverly adopted the movement`s Islamist idiom.

Throughout the 1980s, the middle classes remained split in their support for/against Zia`s political-economic edifice that crudely fused so-called Islamic policies with a free-l`lowing version of third-world capitalism.

As the progressive and conservative segments went to war on campuses and in the streets, the middle-classes emerged exhausted by the time of Zia`s death in 1988 and the subsequent restoration of democracy.

Only minimal political activity was witnessed from this class in the 1990s when Benazir Bhutto and Mian Nawaz Sharif unwittingly played into the hands of Zia`s ideological remnants in the intelligence agencies and big businesses.

In Karachi the Urdu-speaking urban bourgeoisie became enamoured of the MQM, and was embroiled in the political turmoil that accompanied the state`s operation against the supposed militant outgrowth of the MQM.

It was during this decade also that this class (especially in Punjab) started to slide backwards into its customary conservative disposition when a new generation of the Pakistani bourgeois began responding to social and religious conservatism.

This tendency exploded into prominence after the confusion and identity crisis that followed the tragie 9/11 episode in the US.Gradually large numbers of young middle-class men and women became interested in ultra-conservative fringe groups headed by drawing-room preachers and televangelists.

As the 2000s wore on under the country`s new military dictator, Pervez Musharraf who chose to play a cosmetic role of a `moderate` the state and the mediafailed to arrest the mutating Islamisation trend.

From the rugged mountainous areas along the Pak-Afghan border it started making its way into the drawing rooms in urban Pakistan.

The ballooning electronic media facilitated the born-again variety of a middle-class conservatism by adding another batch of religious talking heads. These figures ideologically and commercially cater well to the bourgeoisie`s zeal and political leanings.

Thus has arrived the middle-class`s third agitation. But the interesting thing is that this time round this initiative is largely cut off from the country`s mainstream political parties, and has taken the shape of electronic lobbying (social media).

What is even more interesting is that though these cyber and TV lobbies are portraying themselves as an alternative movement, these foyers are mostly riddled with a fusion of convoluted leaps of logic, a knee-jerk attitude and a conservative ideological mindset that was actually constructed by the `establishment` and politico-religious parties of Pakistan decades ago.

Unless this section of the middle class decides to work within the mainstream political edifice of Pakistan and participate in the evolving democratic apparatus, instead of being repulsed by it, it will remain an irritant, having only a nuisance value. At best it can become the harbinger of a TV lounge revolution, or worse, the apologetic fodder to pad and even unwittingly justify the madness of Islamist and sectarian violence in the country`s cities and towns. 
By Nadim F Piracha: http://epaper.dawn.com/DetailImage.php?StoryImage=24_11_2013_424_001

کھلا خط آپ کے نام، پاکستان کے لیے

Open Letter for Pakistan

پاکستان کی ترقی ، خوشحالی اور امن کے لییے کچھ بنیادی معاملات طے کرنا ضروری ھیں. اس وقت پاکستانی سوسائٹی فکری طورپرتین بڑے حصوں تقسیم ہو چکا ہے : ایک طرف  "اشرافیہ , لبرل طبقہ"   دوسری طرف "خاموش اکثریت" ؛ تیسری طرف "مذہبی  شدت پسند دہشت گرد اور ان کے ہمدرد". ایسے حالات میں ضروری ہے کہ کنفیوژن کو دور کیا جائے تاکہ اکثریت ایک نقطہ نظر پر متفق ہو  جائے. اور پھر تمام توانایوں کو مرکوز کرکہ عظیم مقاصد ، امن . خوشحالی . ترقی کی طرف رواں دواں ہوں. اگر ہم کچھ بنیادی سوالات کا جواب موجودہ تناظرمیں قرآن سنت کی  روشنی میں معلوم کر لیں. ان پر قومی مباحثہ ہو جس میں میڈیا ، دانشور ، مذہبی سکالرز علماء ، سیاسی مفکرین ، سول سوسائٹی ، فوجی ماہرین ،  قانون ، خارجہ امور کے ماہرین اور تمام دوسرے متعلقہ ماہرین  اور عوام حصہ لیں . پھر جس پر سب یا اکثریت متفق ہو ان پر پھر ڈٹ کرعمل کریں تو پاکستان ایک ترقی یافتہ باعزت ملک، قوم  بن سکتا ہے .... اس لنک پر کلک کریں :
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Sunday, November 24, 2013

Social Media for Intelligence gathering, Propaganda and Crime control by Police

We have commonly seen that in developing societies the institution of the police lacks the initiative to make optimum use of technology and social media.

Extremist groups fight simultaneously at the physical level and on cyberspace. To execute their immediate agenda and launch attacks, the terrorists make use of physical space, sometimes for a few hours, or a few minutes.

However, in order to wage a psychological war they ensure their continuous presence on social networking sites. The proliferation and effects of such sites have generated a new debate on how to counter their presence and ensure surveillance of social networking sites.

Referring to the Rawalpindi incident on Muharram 10, the Punjab law minister condemned the negative use of social media. There is an impression that social media fanned the flames of hatred after the incident.

An example from India would be useful in this regard.

In September, hate-inciting, fake YouTube videos and doctored photographs were used to cause widespread rioting in Muzaffarnagar, UP. Fifty people lost their lives.

To reinforce their influence, extremist groups increasingly rely on social media but our law enforcement and regulatory agencies still don`t know how to tackle the challenge.

Social media can be effective-ly used to bring the police and community on one page. In mega urban centres, apart from the physical presence of the law enforcers, people expect the online presence of the police.

Technology has introduced innovations but also added to the existing challenges facing law enforcement officers. At the other, end, extremists have easily moved from websites to more active social media.

Recently in Nairobi, militants attacking a shopping mall used social media to claim responsibility.

The Syrian Electronic Army, a group of computer hackers, has resurfaced with a different account after their previous one was suspended by Twitter. Misuse of social media for furthering its mission has resulted in a global debate on how to regulate unbridled social media sites.

Social media has enabled protesters to quickly organise and communicate with each other. To keep the protesters under control, police must know how to monitor these types of communications. Further, social media sites are also helpful in identifying witnesses, victims and perpetrators.

Police need to learn quickly about social media to keep pace. Many police forces around the world have started to use it for engagement, intelligence and investigation, and often release pictures or videos of wanted criminal and terrorist suspects on their websites.

The websites of police departments in Pakistan, on the contrary, are neither public friendly nor interactive.

This is a pity as police websites could help in the introductionof e-policing in urban areas.

In the case of emergencies, sites such as Twitter and Facebook are effective ways to disseminate crime alerts, investigation updates, safety alerts and to counter propaganda.

According to a study conducted by the International Association of Chiefs of Police, `81pc of 728 [US police] departments surveyed said they used social networking`.

To detect criminal activities many countries have equipped and empowered law enforcement agencies to monitor social media. To identify rioters in the 2011 riots, the London Metropolitan Police used social media during the investigation process. Help was taken from the extensive CCTV network that captured images of the rioters and these images were posted online with an appeal to the public to identify the suspects.

On the eve of mega events like the G20 conference and London Olympics, the London police monitored sites using Radian 6 and Repknight software. During the Olympics, the police monitored 32 million social media articles and 10,300 tweets.

At home, in the age of mass communication, our law-enforcement agencies lack clearly defined media policies. In the absence of such policies, police are facing persistent and blatant bashing on the media.

Communication is important for effective policing.

Gone are the days when police officers seeking information depended solely on khuli kutcheris or `open courts` and touring villages. Traditional methods can be retained but social media would be a critical addition to the current means of policing. Increasedpublic say and interaction will automatically help improve relations between the law enforcers and the community.

Social media sites have proved helpful in the collection of evidence. It has also helped identify the location of suspects. Several criminal cases have been cracked thanks partially to social media, as police kept tabs on suspects, the less sophisticated of whom bragged about their exploits and updated their pages naming the people and places they had visited.

According to the findings of a four-year study comparing the effects of social media and radical ideology, social networks were the major drivers behind the evolving of violent extremists. More than 100 current and former extremists were interviewed for the study, which found that social media enabled people to develop associations with extremists and terrorist groups.

Says Greg Barton, the director of Australia`s Monash University`s Global Terror Research Centre, `Terrorists and radicals are often lonely individuals who lack any sense of belonging`. Consequently, those with such inclination are easily trapped by extremist organisations often through social media.

Many websites in Pakistan inject extremism, and there`s no reason why the police should not counter this negative narrative through the same means by promoting deradicalisation via social media.

In other words, social media can be effectively used for peace.• The writer is a deputy inspector general of the police.

Social Media “Tactical Intelligence Collection”: Spying and Propaganda using Facebook, Twitter

This path-breaking article was first published by GR in February 2012.
new study by the Mediterranean Council for Intelligence Studies’ (MCIS) 2012 Intelligence Studies Yearbook points to the use of social media as “the new cutting edge in open-source tactical intelligence collection”. IntelNews.org’s Joseph Fitsanakis, who co-authored the study, reports:
We explain that Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and a host of other social networking platforms are increasingly viewed by intelligence agencies as invaluable channels ofinformation acquisition. We base our findings on three recent case studies, which we believe highlight the intelligence function of social networking. (Joseph Fitsanakis, Research: Spies increasingly using Facebook, Twitter to gather data, intelNews.org, February 13, 2012)
What the study fails to mention, however, is the use of social media by intelligence agencies for other purposes. The study leads us to believe that social media is solely an intelligence gathering tool, when in fact, a number of reports have shown that it is used for propaganda including the creation of fake identities in support of covert operations. Those practices are discussed in Army of Fake Social Media Friends to Promote PropagandaSocial Media: Air Force ordered software to manage army of Fake Virtual People and Pentagon Seeks to Manipulate Social Media for Propaganda Purposes, published on Global Research in 2011.
The MCIS study is partly based on the “Arab Spring” framework which allegedly “prompted the US government to begin developing guidelines for culling intelligence from social media networks”. (Ibid.)
Again, this leaves out the fact that the U.S. Government provides “activist training” to foreign nationals to destabilize their country of origin. This tactic is detailed in Tony Cartalucci’s latest article,Egypt: US-funded Agitators on Trial: US “Democracy Promotion” = Foreign-funded Sedition.
“Cyber dissidence” is sponsored among others by CIA-linked Freedom House. The First of The Bush Institute’s Human Freedom Events, Co-Sponsored by Freedom House was titled “The Conference on Cyber Dissidents: Global Successes and Challenges”.
The Conference on Cyber Dissidents highlighted the work, methods, courage and achievements of its eight dissident guest speakers, from seven nations. Five of these nations are places where freedom has been extinguished (all rated “not free” by Freedom House): China, Cuba, Iran, Syria, and Russia. Two others are places where freedom is in peril (both rated “partly free” by Freedom House) because of an authoritarian government accumulating more power, as in Venezuela, or because of the threat of internal terrorist groups, as in Colombia. (The Conference on Cyber Dissidents: Global Successes and Challenges, The George W. Bush Presidential Center)
Countries where “freedom has been extinguished” and which are U.S. allies, such as Bahrain or Saudi Arabia, are not listed above. The only U.S. ally listed is Colombia and its freedom is said to be threatened by terrorist groups, rather than by its governement. It is worth noting that the Colombian government has been accused of spying on its journalists and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) says freedom of expression ‘barely exists’ in Colombia.
The goal of “activist training” by U.S. NGOs is to destabilize America’s political enemies in the name of freedom. “Cyber dissidence” is in turn used by intelligence agencies for covert operations.

کھلا خط پاکستان کے نام
پاکستان کی ترقی ، خوشحالی اور امن کے لییے کچھ بنیادی معاملات طے کرنا ضروری ھیں. اس وقت پاکستانی سوسائٹی فکری طورپرتین بڑے حصوں تقسیم ہو چکا ہے : ایک طرف  "اشرافیہ , لبرل طبقہ"   دوسری طرف "خاموش اکثریت" ؛ تیسری طرف "مذہبی  شدت پسند دہشت گرد اور ان کے ہمدرد". ایسے حالات میں ضروری ہے کہ کنفیوژن کو دور کیا جائے تاکہ اکثریت ایک نقطہ نظر پر متفق ہو  جائے. اور پھر تمام توانایوں کو مرکوز کرکہ عظیم مقاصد ، امن . خوشحالی . ترقی کی طرف رواں دواں ہوں. اگر ہم کچھ بنیادی سوالات کا جواب موجودہ تناظرمیں قرآن سنت کی  روشنی میں معلوم کر لیں. ان پر قومی مباحثہ ہو جس میں میڈیا ، دانشور ، مذہبی سکالرز علماء ، سیاسی مفکرین ، سول سوسائٹی ، فوجی ماہرین ،  قانون ، خارجہ امور کے ماہرین اور تمام دوسرے متعلقہ ماہرین  اور عوام حصہ لیں . پھر جس پر سب یا اکثریت متفق ہو ان پر پھر ڈٹ کرعمل کریں تو پاکستان ایک ترقی یافتہ باعزت ملک، قوم  بن سکتا ہے. بنیادی مکالمہ کےسوال درج ذیل ہیں ....
کھلا خط آپ کے نام، پاکستان کے لیے :
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Twelve Reasons of poverty in Pakistan

At independence in 1947, Pakistan was a poor country. But it was richer than China, India and many other currently `emerging` economies. Today, Pakistan`s per capita is $1000 while China`s is $5000 and South Korea`s $15,000. One per cent of Pakistan`s population controls over half its wealth; the other 99pc struggles to survive on less than $500 annually.

At this time, when hope has been revived that new leaders and policies may retrieve Pakistan from the poverty trap, it is relevant to recall the dozen reasons why our people are poorer today than at the country`s creation.

First, population growth

At Pakistan`s birth, the then West Pakistan had around 50 million people. Today, we number 200 million. The oooulationcontinues to grow at around 2.5pc. There is progressively less for more. The explosion can be moderated through incentives and disincentives.

Second, inflation. 
The state spends more than it earns. It orints money tomake up tl1e deficits, steadily devaluing the earnings and savings of the people.

Thus, rupee parity against the dollar has declined by around 5pc on average each year. Until 1970, the rupee was 4:1 against the dollar. Today it is 100:1. If the dollar`s own deflation is taken into account, a Pakistani must earn over 50 times as many rupees as he did in 1947 to maintain the same living standard.

Third, unemployment. 
In 1947, 80pc of people lived off the land in rural areas. Today, with the pressures of population, urbanisation and the failure of industrialisation, effective unemployment and under-employment afflicts almost half of Pakistan`s working age population. This can only be redressed by rapid industrialisation, investment and skill creation.

Fourth, ignorance
In any event, almost 25pc of our people are presently unemployable in anything except physical labour due to the progressive collapse of Pakistan`s education system.

Literacy is defined as being able to read and write one`s name. By any objective standard, Pakistan`s real literacy rate is around 50pc. Massive and well directed investment is needed to promote universal and quality education.

Fifth, inequality. 
Pakistanis were bornin a state of feudal inequality in the rural regions. Feudalism has since spread to business, industry and bureaucracy. The gap between rich and poor has grown exponentially. Pakistan`s elite the 1pc lives high off the hog, while the vast majority slides steadily down towards the poverty precipice.

Sixth, wars. 
Locked since inception in mutual hostility with its larger eastern neighbour, Pakistan`s financial and intellectual capital has been heavily deployed to the defence of its borders.

Three wars with India; a never-ending arms race, and involvement in America`s wars in Afghanistan, has drained Pakistan`s limited resources and attention away from economic and social development. Pakistan needs to find strategic and diplomatic ways to lower the burden of deterring India. Its nuclear weapons capability should help achieve this.

Seventh, extremism. 
Since 1977, Pakistan has become a virtual captive tothe forces of religious and associated extremism. Their street power and misguided use by some Pakistani leaders and agencies to promote external and internal objectives has transformed Pakistan`s environment of tolerance into one of fanaticism and violence. They cannot be allowed to hold the country`s progress hostage.

Eighth, insecurity. 
The combination of organised crime, religious bigotry, violent extremism and political opportunism has resulted in the current state of insecurity in many cities and regions.

The global perception of Pakistan`s security environment is even worse than the reality. No significant foreign or domestic investment or development can take place until the security challenge is addressed. Confusion, vacillation and fear are the government`s worst enemies.

Ninth, emigration and immigration.

The composition of Pakistan`s population has changed significantly since independence. Many among the educated and skilled have left. These include members of religious minorities and those who were transformed into minorities. On the other hand, Pakistan has been inundated by millions of tribal Afghans. Despite pockets of brilliance, as an entity, Pakistan today is intellectu-ally, culturally and financially a more backward place than 60 years ago.

Tenth, disinvestment. 
The country is poor because the state is poor. As the country spends more than its revenues so do the people. Savings are not smart if these are going to be eroded by inflation.

Without national or personal savings, investment in infrastructure, education, industry, small and medium enterprises has not been forthcoming from the public or private sector. Pakistan has had to depend on external assistance and loans to fund development, which remains inadequate to meet the needs of its population.

Eleventh, globalisation. 
Unfortunately, Pakistan was persuaded by the Washington Consensus that trade and financial liberalisation was good for all.

It unilaterally dismantled its protections.

But it cannot produce most goods competitively. This, combined with the culture of consumerism, has led to Pakistan becoming an import destination ratherthan an export base. While the persistent trade deficits are partially offset by the remittances from poorer Pakistani emigrants, most of our governments have been obliged to carry the begging bowl to our rich friends, at times even tomeet our vital defence needs.

Twelfth, bad governance. 
Most of the 11 previous shortcomings originate from bad governance. With some outstanding exceptions, Pakistan has a record of bad or no policies and even worse of execution. This is largely due to the decline and eventual collapse of Pakistan`s bureaucracy and the accompanying erosion of rules and due process Personalised decision-making is now the norm; senior bureaucrats act more as personal rather civil servants. From an occasional virus, corruption has become an endemic disease.

Without professional and competent people to formulate and execute sound policies in various areas, Pakistan will be unable to overcome its imposing array of challenges.

The challenge posed by the poverty dozen cannot be addressed piecemeal. It requires a comprehensive policy designed to transform Pakistan into a modern, peaceful and prosperous country. Patriotic Pakistanis should demand such a policy and contribute to its formulation and implementation. They cannot give in to the dark side. • The writer is a former Pakistan ambassador to the UN.
By Munir Akran: http://epaper.dawn.com/DetailImage.php?StoryImage=24_11_2013_009_006

کھلا خط پاکستان کے نام:
پاکستان کی ترقی ، خوشحالی اور امن کے لییے کچھ بنیادی معاملات طے کرنا ضروری ھیں. اس وقت پاکستانی سوسائٹی فکری طورپرتین بڑے حصوں تقسیم ہو چکا ہے : ایک طرف  "اشرافیہ , لبرل طبقہ"   دوسری طرف "خاموش اکثریت" ؛ تیسری طرف "مذہبی  شدت پسند دہشت گرد اور ان کے ہمدرد". ایسے حالات میں ضروری ہے کہ کنفیوژن کو دور کیا جائے تاکہ اکثریت ایک نقطہ نظر پر متفق ہو  جائے. اور پھر تمام توانایوں کو مرکوز کرکہ عظیم مقاصد ، امن . خوشحالی . ترقی کی طرف رواں دواں ہوں. اگر ہم کچھ بنیادی سوالات کا جواب موجودہ تناظرمیں قرآن سنت کی  روشنی میں معلوم کر لیں. ان پر قومی مباحثہ ہو جس میں میڈیا ، دانشور ، مذہبی سکالرز علماء ، سیاسی مفکرین ، سول سوسائٹی ، فوجی ماہرین ،  قانون ، خارجہ امور کے ماہرین اور تمام دوسرے متعلقہ ماہرین  اور عوام حصہ لیں . پھر جس پر سب یا اکثریت متفق ہو ان پر پھر ڈٹ کرعمل کریں تو پاکستان ایک ترقی یافتہ باعزت ملک، قوم  بن سکتا ہے. بنیادی مکالمہ کےسوال درج ذیل ہیں ....
کھلا خط آپ کے نام، پاکستان کے لیے :
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Monday, November 18, 2013

Baloons Barrage: The Simple Defence Against US Drone Attacks in Pakistan

Kite flying is dangerous for drones as Bird hit for aircraft ... in World War-2, big baloons were deployed to force enemy aircraft to go to higher altitude thus hindering their performance. They shall not have FREE-RUN..... atleast. Baloons are deployed in critically important areas.

In 1938 the British Balloon Command was established to protect cities and key targets such as industrial areas, ports and harbours. Balloons were intended to defend against dive bombers flying at heights up to 5,000 feet (1,500 m), forcing them to fly higher and into the range of concentrated anti-aircraft fire—anti-aircraft guns could not traverse fast enough to attack aircraft flying at low altitude and high speed. By the middle of 1940 there were 1,400 balloons, a third of them over the London area.



دہشت گردی میں عوام ، حکومت اور میڈیا کا کردار - ایک سادہ تجویز: A simple suggestion to ideologically isolating TTP Terrorists

طالبان دہشت گردوں کے ہمدرد ہمارے درمیان موجود ہیں . اس کنفیوژن کی ایک
 وجہ ہمارے جمہوری ور غیر جمہوری حکمرانوں کے منافقانہ دو رخی پالیسیز ور معاشی نہ انصافی ہے . جہاں طالبان کے غیر اسلامی غیر قانونی دہشت گردی کو واضح کرنا اور مسترد کرنا ہے وہاں حکمرانوں کو بھی اپنے غیر اسلامی بیہودہ ظالمانہ نظریات ور ترجیحات کو تبدیل کرنے کی ضرورت ہے .

طالبان کے اثرات کا اندازہ لگانے کے لیے میں اپنا زاتی تجربہ آپ سے  share

کر رہا ہوں . میں ایک کالونی میں رہائش پذیر ہوں جہاں ایک خوبصورت مسجد ہے امام صاحب اعلیٰ تعلیم یافتہ انگریزی لکھنا بولنا جانتے ہیں ور ایک پرائیویٹ یونیورسٹی میں لیکچرر بھی ہیں . مگر آج تک دہشت گردی میں ہلاک ہونے والے معصوم لوگوں کی مغفرات کے لیے دعا نہیں کی .

عید کی نماز کے بعد انھوں نے امت مسلمہ کے لیے دعا کی فلسطین شام کے مسلمانوں جہاد کرنے والوں کی کامیابی کی دعا کی . بعد میں عید ملتے ھوے میں نے کہا مولانا صاحب آپ سے ایک شکوہ ہے . بولے فرمایے میں نے کہا آپ کو فلسطین ور شام یاد رہا مگر جو یہاں معصوم مارے گئے ان کو بھول گیے . مولنا نے فرمایا کون لوگ ؟ میں نے کہا 45000 ہزار پاکستانی دہشت گردی میں مارے جا چکے ہیں . مولانا نے فرمایا وہ اجتمائی طور پر دعا میں شامل ہیں .

mindset یہ وہ

ہے جو تبدیل کرنے کی ضرورت ہے

افسوس کے سنکڑوں نمازی خاموش رہتے ہیں . بعد میں کچھ لوگوں نے جو یہ بات چیت سن ریے تھے تعریف کی کے آپ نے درست کہا . مینن نے ان سے کہا آپ سب کو بھی بولنا چایے

دہشت گردوں کا معاشرے میں زندہ اور موجود رہنا علماء اور عوام کی اسلام اور قرانی تعلیمات سے نا واقفیت اور کم علمی ہے.

کئی سالوں سے جدو جھد کر رہا ہوں اس جہالت کے خلاف . بہت مرتبہ اخبارات ور دانشوروں کو کہا کے اگر

میڈیا پر دہشت گردی کی ویڈیو کوریج کے نیچے صرف قرآن کی وہ آیات جو قتل ناحق سے منع کرتی ہیں پشتو اور اردو ترجمے کے ساتھ پٹی چلا دیں تو کم از کم جو طالبان دہشت گردوں کے ھمدرد ہیں جن کو جاہل قسم کے علماء نے دھوکے میں رکھا ہے ان کا دماغ میں واضح ہو گا کے کون قرآن پر عمل کر رہا ہے ور کون قرآن کو رد کر رہا ہے .

کچھ آیات اور ترجمہ درج زیل ہے :

اسی وجہ سے بنی اسرائیل پر ہم نے یہ فرمان لکھ دیا تھا کہ "جس نے کسی انسان کو خون کے بدلے یا زمین میں فساد پھیلانے کے سوا کسی اور وجہ سے قتل کیا اس نے گویا تمام انسانوں کو قتل کر دیا اور جس نے کسی کی جان بچائی اُس نے گویا تمام انسانوں کو زندگی بخش دی"

مگر اُن کا حال یہ ہے کہ ہمارے رسول پے در پے ان کے پاس کھلی کھلی ہدایات لے کر آئے پھر بھی ان میں بکثرت لوگ زمین میں زیادتیاں کرنے والے ہیں. جو لوگ اللہ اور اس کے رسول سے لڑتے ہیں اور زمین میں اس لیے تگ و دو کرتے پھرتے ہیں کہ فساد برپا کریں اُن کی سزا یہ ہے کہ قتل کیے جائیں، یا سولی پر چڑھائے جائیں، یا اُن کے ہاتھ اور پاؤں مخالف سمتوں سے کاٹ ڈالے جائیں، یا وہ جلا وطن کر دیے جائیں، یہ ذلت و رسوائی تو اُن کے لیے دنیا میں ہے اور آخرت میں اُن کے لیے اس سے بڑی سزا ہے

5: 31-32 سورة المائدة

وَلَا تَقْتُلُوا النَّفْسَ الَّتِي حَرَّمَ اللَّـهُ إِلَّا بِالْحَقِّ

اور کسی جان کو جس کا مارنا اللہ نے حرام کردیا ہے ہرگز ناحق قتل نہ کرنا


وَمَن يَقْتُلْ مُؤْمِنًا مُّتَعَمِّدًا فَجَزَاؤُهُ جَهَنَّمُ خَالِدًا فِيهَا وَغَضِبَ اللَّـهُ عَلَيْهِ وَلَعَنَهُ وَأَعَدَّ لَهُ عَذَابًا عَظِيمًا

اور جو شخص کسی مسلمان کو قصداً قتل کرے تو اس کی سزا دوزخ ہے کہ مدتوں اس میں رہے گا اور اس پر اللہ غضبناک ہوگا اور اس پر لعنت کرے گا اور اس نے اس کے لئے زبردست عذاب تیار کر رکھا ہے


وَالْفِتْنَةُ أَكْبَرُ مِنَ الْقَتْلِ ۗ

فتنہ قتل سے بھی بڑا گناه ہے


أُولَـٰئِكَ الَّذِينَ كَفَرُوا بِآيَاتِ رَبِّهِمْ وَلِقَائِهِ فَحَبِطَتْ أَعْمَالُهُمْ فَلَا نُقِيمُ لَهُمْ يَوْمَ الْقِيَامَةِ وَزْنًا

یہ وہ لوگ ہیں جنہوں نے اپنے رب کی آیات کو ماننے سے انکار کیا اور اس کے حضور پیشی کا یقین نہ کیا اس لیے اُن کے سارے اعمال ضائع ہو گئے، قیامت کے روز ہم انہیں کوئی وزن نہ دیں گے


وَإِذَا قِيلَ لَهُمُ اتَّبِعُوا مَا أَنزَلَ اللَّـهُ قَالُوا بَلْ نَتَّبِعُ مَا أَلْفَيْنَا عَلَيْهِ آبَاءَنَا ۗ أَوَلَوْ كَانَ آبَاؤُهُمْ لَا يَعْقِلُونَ شَيْئًا وَلَا يَهْتَدُونَ

اور ان سے جب کبھی کہا جاتا ہے کہ اللہ تعالیٰ کی اتاری ہوئی کتاب کی تابعداری کرو تو جواب دیتے ہیں کہ ہم تو اس طریقے کی پیروی کریں گے جس پر ہم نے اپنے باپ دادوں کو پایا، گو ان کے باپ دادے بےعقل اور گم کرده راه ہوں

(Quran;2:170) Also see Quran;32:21, 43:22,23)

إِنَّمَا جَزَاءُ الَّذِينَ يُحَارِبُونَ اللَّـهَ وَرَسُولَهُ وَيَسْعَوْنَ فِي الْأَرْضِ فَسَادًا أَن يُقَتَّلُوا أَوْ يُصَلَّبُوا أَوْ تُقَطَّعَ أَيْدِيهِمْ وَأَرْجُلُهُم مِّنْ خِلَافٍ أَوْ يُنفَوْا مِنَ الْأَرْضِ ۚ ذَٰلِكَ لَهُمْ خِزْيٌ فِي الدُّنْيَا ۖ وَلَهُمْ فِي الْآخِرَةِ عَذَابٌ عَظِيمٌ

جو اللہ تعالیٰ سے اور اس کے رسول سے لڑیں اور زمین میں فساد کرتے پھریں ان کی سزا یہی ہے کہ وه قتل کر دیئے جائیں یا سولی چڑھا دیئے جائیں یا مخالف جانب سے ان کے ہاتھ پاوں کاٹ دیئے جائیں، یا انہیں جلاوطن کر دیا جائے، یہ تو ہوئی ان کی دنیوی ذلت اور خواری، اور آخرت میں ان کے لئے بڑا بھاری عذاب ہے

“(Quran; 5:33)

وَلَوْلَا دَفْعُ اللَّـهِ النَّاسَ بَعْضَهُم بِبَعْضٍ لَّهُدِّمَتْ صَوَامِعُ وَبِيَعٌ وَصَلَوَاتٌ وَمَسَاجِدُ يُذْكَرُ‌ فِيهَا اسْمُ اللَّـهِ كَثِيرً‌ا ۗ وَلَيَنصُرَ‌نَّ اللَّـهُ مَن يَنصُرُ‌هُ ۗ إِنَّ اللَّـهَ لَقَوِيٌّ عَزِيزٌ

اور اگر خدا لوگوں کو ایک دوسرے سے نہ ہٹاتا رہتا تو (راہبوں کے) صومعے اور (عیسائیوں کے) گرجے اور (یہودیوں کے) عبادت خانے اور (مسلمانوں کی) مسجدیں جن میں خدا کا بہت سا ذکر کیا جاتا ہے ویران ہوچکی ہوتیں۔ اور جو شخص خدا کی مدد کرتا ہے خدا اس کی ضرور مدد کرتا ہے۔ بےشک خدا توانا اور غالب ہے (Quran 22:40)

مَّنِ اهْتَدَىٰ فَإِنَّمَا يَهْتَدِي لِنَفْسِهِ ۖ وَمَن ضَلَّ فَإِنَّمَا يَضِلُّ عَلَيْهَا ۚ وَلَا تَزِرُ وَازِرَةٌ وِزْرَ أُخْرَىٰ

جو کوئی راہ راست اختیار کرے اس کی راست روی اس کے اپنے ہی لیے مفید ہے، اور جو گمراہ ہو اس کی گمراہی کا وبا ل اُسی پر ہے کوئی بوجھ اٹھانے والا دوسرے کا بوجھ نہ اٹھائے گا


مَّن يَشْفَعْ شَفَاعَةً حَسَنَةً يَكُن لَّهُ نَصِيبٌ مِّنْهَا ۖ وَمَن يَشْفَعْ شَفَاعَةً سَيِّئَةً يَكُن لَّهُ كِفْلٌ مِّنْهَا ۗ وَكَانَ اللَّـهُ عَلَىٰ كُلِّ شَيْءٍ مُّقِيتًا

جو بھلائی کی سفارش کریگا وہ اس میں سے حصہ پائے گا اور جو برائی کی سفارش کرے گا وہ اس میں سے حصہ پائے گا، اور اللہ ہر چیز پر نظر رکھنے والا ہ


اگر آپ متفق ہینن تو شئیر کریں

شائد میڈیا چینلز اور حکومت تک بات پہنچ جائے . بحر حال آپ نے اپنا فرض ادا کر دیا .

حرف آخر : غلطیوں سے درگزر کریں   
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Sunday, November 17, 2013

‘Magic’, reality, Drone : Why not Jihad in Kashmir, but in Pakistan ..

BEFORE his death in a US drone strike, the Pakistani Taliban chief Hakeemullah Mehsud had started to feel better thanks to the ‘spiritual’ healing at the hands of an Arab shaikh. The CIA and ISI had cast an ‘evil spell’ on him — most probably through ‘black magic’.

According to the official obituary of Mehsud, released by the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan’s (TTP) media wing, US and Pakistani officials decided to kill him after they received reports that Mehsud was recovering from the effects of a spell cast on him after the 2009 suicide bombing of a CIA base in Khost, Afghanistan.

Many will laugh at this, but the TTP’s obituary of Mehsud narrates in a very serious tone that he felt pain in parts of his body without any outward symptoms of physical illness because of the spell. (Some would, of course, argue that this could be the ultimate effect of restlessness or disordered eating habits amid the constant threat of drone strikes.)

Media reports further strengthened this notion, and claimed that Mehsud would not stay in one place for more than six hours because of the fear of drones.

In the backdrop of the ongoing anti-drone debate in the country, it is very difficult to argue in favour of drones. But nobody can gloss over the fact that the aerial technology proved to be a tactical sort of ‘magic’ that has not only terrorised the militants but also eliminated their top leadership.

Those killed in drone attacks include Qari Hussain, Ilyas Kashmiri, Qari Zafar, Badar Mansoor and Baitullah Mehsud among several others believed to be responsible for carrying out some major terrorist attacks inside Pakistan.

No threat assessment is available to understand what the internal security landscape would have been like had these militants been alive.

Apart from drones and the TTP’s notion of black magic, the obituary also quoted from an interview of Hakeemullah Mehsud in which he presented justifications for why he did not participate in the Kashmir jihad despite constant pressure from some jihadi leaders.

He said that he always remained suspicious of the nature of the Kashmir jihad, which was being fought with the help of the Pakistani state that would eventually expand its un-Islamic system in Kashmir and the wider region if it successfully liberated Kashmir. This led him to focus on Afghanistan because he had more hope of the mujahideen’s establishing an Islamic caliphate system there.

This reflects the transformation of the militant mindset after 9/11 under the influence of Al Qaeda and the changing political scenario of the region. This transformation has absorbed all the pro-state jihadi and nationalist tendencies of the militant discourse in Pakistan.

It is paradoxical that the Jamaat-i-Islami, once considered the champion of jihad in Kashmir, is experiencing a growing sense of isolation in this completely changed situation. The recent statement by the JI head Munawar Hasan, which triggered the martyrdom controversy, is a reflection of the JI’s frustration.

As a pioneer jihadist party since the beginning of the Afghan-Soviet war, the Jamaat has been facing a critical challenge from its new generation to reinterpret the concept of jihad, ie how to adjust its ideological narrative of jihad in Kashmir and 1980s’ Afghanistan to the emerging fundamentals of the Pakistani state’s foreign and strategic policy.

This is a complex debate and unfortunately at this important juncture, the JI does not have the required intellectual and theological resources to respond to the challenge.

What makes this interesting is that previously the JI was the most globally connected Islamist party of Pakistan. It had links with both moderate and radical Islamist movements and its networking had helped it muster human and financial resources from across the Islamic world for the Afghan jihad.

In the changing scenario, it is the TTP which is widely connected to global jihadi movements. The JI has even lost connectivity with movements in the Arab-speaking world associated with the Muslim Brotherhood, which are in the midst of a power struggle.

The TTP has not only established global contacts but also enjoys the support of traditional and orthodox segments of the Islamic clergy. In particular, Deobandi madressahs are still its strong support base. The obituary released by the TTP also reveals that Mehsud was a student of Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s madressah in Dera Ismail Khan. He had left the madressah before joining the militant movement.

In this context, the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s reaction to Hakeemullah’s killing should not come as a surprise. It is a known fact that the divide between the madressah establishment and teachers is increasing where teachers are more inclined towards sectarian and militant movements and administrators or principals belong to religious political parties.

This equation provides benefits to both. For instance, one expands its political support base, and the militants enjoy the moral and logistical support from the same base, though for different purposes.

Mehsud’s obituary also addresses the issue of martyrdom and drones. While quoting an Al Qaeda leader that the greatest martyr of this age is the one killed in a drone strike, it claims that all important mujahideen leaders had been killed in drone attacks.

It reflects that the TTP is clear in its approach and has found justification for all its deeds. Unfortunately, the other side is still confused. Clearly, the terrorists are the beneficiaries of the prevailing confusion. They also gain strength from the fragmentation and confusion in society that is displayed by the security, political and civil society leaderships in Pakistan.

It seems that the state and its leadership have been hypnotised by the TTP. This situation is similar to the image of the proverbial cat set amongst the pigeons. The leadership is behaving like a pigeon with closed eyes and praying for mercy but the cat is not kind-hearted. This is neither a dream nor magic.

By MUHAMMAD AMIR RANA; The writer is a security analyst.

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