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Saturday, June 23, 2012

Imran Khan Address at Hyderabad - 22 June 2012


King of corruption Zardari appoints his frontman "Raja Rental" as new PM of Pakistan. He is accused of over Rs.400bn corruption in Rental Power Plants. MQM, PML Q , ANP and all those 211 MNAs who voted for him are party to this corruption.
President Asif Ali Zaradari has mired the office of the country’s chief executive, Raja’s election as PM is a big blow to the process of democracy in Pakistan. surrendering to President Zardari’s autocratic decisions would wipe out the democratic values one of these days. President Zardari has inflicted vengeance on the nation. He has brought shame to the whole nation, said the PML-N leader.It is feared the way President Zardari was pulling the strings of the House the country would soon be left with nothing to spare.
ONLY IMRAN KHAN CAN DEAL WITH THIS CORRUPT POLITICAL MAFIA ....

Who is Raja Ashraf ? New PM of Pakistan - Profile

King of corruption Zardari appoints his frontman "Raja Rental" [Sindhi by birth disguised as Punjabi] pas new PM of Pakistan. He is accused of over Rs.400bn corruption in Rental Power Plants. MQM, PML Q , ANP and all those 211 MNAs who voted for him are party to this corruption.

Raja Pervez Ashraf, born December 26, 1950 in Sanghar, Sindh, after completing a bachelors degree from University of Sindh in 1970, his professional occupation has been that of business and agriculture. after that, he joined the center-left PPP, and made Gujar Khan his new home. 



According to the Washington Post, the choice of Ashraf "seemed to guarantee continued political turmoil". 
It said he is "associated with a persistent energy crisis that has crippled the country with blackouts, water shortages and steep increases in the price of fuel". Ashraf, as energy minister 2008-2011, was also mired in a corruption scandal involving private leases of power plants, the Post said.
Dawn News said he was accused of receiving kickbacks in a power project and is currently defending himself in the Supreme Court.
The apex court declared Ashraf involved in the power project scam and revoked his power as the minister for water and power. However, when the federal cabinet was expanded, Ashraf was given the ministry of information and technology.
He has also been accused of buying property abroad with illegal money.


Ashraf, once water and power minister, already faces anger over the country's electricity woes; he's also been accused of corruption. Opposition officials claim he scored kickbacks from private energy initiatives, and he was questioned by investigators in April. Ashraf isn't likely to win reelection, experts say—and that may be precisely why the Pakistan People's Party chose him. If he becomes PM, the high court will likely demand he open a corruption investigation into President Asif Ali Zardari. Gilani's ouster followed his refusal to do so; if Ashraf were similarly "disqualified," it would mark only a minor political setback for the party, analysts say.
President Asif Ali Zaradari has mired the office of the country’s chief executive, Raja’s election as PM is a big blow to the process of democracy in Pakistan. surrendering to President Zardari’s autocratic decisions would wipe out the democratic values one of these days. President Zardari has inflicted vengeance on the nation. He has brought shame to the whole nation, said the PML-N leader.It is feared the way President Zardari was pulling the strings of the House the country would soon be left with nothing to spare.
Zardari will now control and run the country through his stooge PM. Its now a presidential form of government, democratic dictatorship.  



http://www.zemtv.com/2012/06/22/aaj-kamran-khan-ke-saath-22nd-june-2012/






قومی احتساب بیورو کے ترجمان نے کہا ہے کہ وزارت عظمیٰ کے لیے نامزد امیدوار راجہ پرویز اشرف رینٹل پاور کے مقدمے میں’ نامزد ملزم‘ نہیں ہیں لیکن اس مقدمے کی تفتیش ابھی جاری ہے۔ نیب ایک مرتبہ راجہ پرویز اشرف سے تحقیق کر چکی ہے۔
نیب کے ترجمان ظفر اقبال نے بی بی سی سے بات کرتے ہوئے کہ رینٹل پاور کے مقدمے کی تفتیش کرنے والی ٹیم راجہ پرویز اشرف کے بیان کا جائزہ لے رہی ہے اور اگر یہ ٹیم مناسب سمجھے گی تو اُنہیں دوبارہ بھی طلب کرسکتی ہے۔
ظفر اقبال کا کہنا تھا کہ نیب حکام نے رینٹل پاور کمپنیوں سے اب تک دو ارب بیس کروڑ روپے واپس لیے ہیں۔ نیب حکام کے مطابق نو کمپنیوں کے خلاف تحققیات جاری ہیں۔
تاہم سپریم کورٹ نے رینٹل کے بجلی گھروں سے متعلق اپنے فیصلے میں وزارت پانی و بجلی کو اس کا ذمہ دار قرار دیا تھا۔ جب رینٹل پاور کے معاہدے ہوئےتھے تو اُس وقت راجہ پرویز اشرف پانی وبجلی کے وزیر تھے۔
سپریم کورٹ نے نیب کو ہدایت کر رکھی ہے کہ وہ اس مقدمے کی تفتیش میں ہونے والی پیش رفت سے عدالت کو ہر پندرہ روز کے بعد آگاہ کرے۔
نیب حکام کے مطابق اس مقدمے کی تحقیقات کے سلسلے میں اٹھائیس اپریل کو راجہ پرویز اشرف کو نیب ہیڈ کوراٹر طلب کیا گیا تھا۔ اس مقدمے کی تفتیش کرنے والے افسران نے اُن سے پوچھ گچھ کی جو تین گھنٹے تک جاری رہی تھی۔
جس وقت نیب حکام نے راجہ پرویز اشرف کو طلب کیا تھا اُس وقت اُن کے پاس وزارت انفارمیشن ٹیکنالوجی کا قلمدان تھا۔
یاد رہے کہ اس سال مارچ کے آخر میں کرائے کے بجلی گھروں کے منصوبوں کو غیر قانونی قرار دیتے ہوئے وزارت پانی وبجلی، وزارت خزانہ، واپڈا اور دیگر اداروں کو قومی خزانے کو اربوں روپے کا نقصان پہنچانے کا ذمہ دار قرار دیا۔
"اس مقدمے کی تحقیقات کرنے والی ٹیم راجہ پرویز اشرف کے بیان کا جائزہ لے رہی ہے اور اگر یہ ٹیم مناسب سمجھے تو اُنہیں دوبارہ بھی طلب کرسکتی ہے۔ نیب حکام نے رینٹل پاور کمپنیوں سے اب تک دو ارب بیس کروڑ روپے واپس لیے ہیں۔ نو کمپنیوں کے خلاف تحققیات جاری ہیں۔"
ظفر اقبال
اس مقدمے کی سماعت کے دوران متعدد کمپنیوں نے سات ارب روپے سے زائد کی رقم مارک اپ کے ساتھ واپس کی ہے جو وزارت خزانہ کی طرف سے ان کمپنیوں کو ایڈوانس کی مد میں دی گئی تھی۔
ان کمپنیوں نے ایڈوانس لینے کے باوجود بھی اپنی پیدوار شروع نہیں کی تھی۔ یہ تمام تیل کے بجلی گھر تھے اور سپریم کورٹ کا کہنا تھا کہ جتنی رقم ان کرائے کے بجلی گھروں کو دی گئی ہے اتنی رقم پن بجلی کے منصوبوں پر خرچ کی جاتی تو حالات مختلف ہوتے۔
راجہ پرویز اشرف نے بھی سپریم کورٹ میں بیان میں تسلیم کیا تھا کہ کرائے کے بجلی گھروں سے حاصل ہونے والی بجلی پن بجلی سے مہنگی پڑ رہی ہے۔
سپریم کورٹ میں جمع کروائی گئی رپورٹ کے مطابق سات کرائے کے بجلی گھروں میں سے تین کام کر رہے ہیں جن کی پیدوار پچاس میگاواٹ سے زیادہ ہے جبکہ باقی بجلی گھر تیل نہ ملنے کی وجہ سے بند پڑے ہیں۔
عدالتی حکم ملنے کے بعد نیب کے حکام نے ان کمپنیوں کے ایگزیکٹو اور دیگر چودہ حکام کے نام ایگزٹ کنٹرول لسٹ میں ڈالنے کے لیے وزارت داخلہ کو کہا۔ جن کمپنیوں کے عہدیداروں کے نام ای سی ایل میں شامل کیے گئے ہیں اُن کمپنیوں میں ای پاور، والٹر پاور نوڈیرو ون، کارکے رینٹل پاور اور گلف پاور شامل ہیں۔ نیب حکام کے مطابق ان کمپنیوں کے ذمہ دار افراد کو پلی بارگین کرنے کی بھی آفر کی گئی ہے۔
اس منصوبے سے متعلق حکمراں اتحاد میں شامل پاکستان مسلم لیگ قاف کے رہنما مخدوم فیصل صالح حیات اور قومی اسمبلی میں حزب اختلاف کی بڑی جماعت پاکستان مسلم لیگ نواز کے رہنما خواجہ آصف نے سپریم کورٹ میں درخواستیں دائر کی تھیں۔ ان درخواستوں کے ساتھ اس منصوبے میں ہونے والی بدعنوانیوں کے ثبوت بھی لگائے گئے۔
مخدوم فیصل صالح حیات نے وفاقی کابینہ میں شامل ہونے سے پہلے ایک نجی ٹی وی کو انٹرویو دیتے ہوئے الزام عائد کیا تھا کہ کرائے کے بجلی گھروں میں لی جانے والی کک بیکس میں بڑا حصہ صدر آصف علی زرداری کو جاتا ہے۔
ان درخواستوں میں استدعا کی گئی تھی کہ چونکہ حکومت کرائے کے بجلی گھروں سے متعلق پارلیمانی کمیٹی بنانے میں سنجیدہ نہیں ہے اس لیے سپریم کورٹ اس معاملے کی جانچ پڑتال کروائے۔ راجہ پرویز اشرف اور مخدوم فیصل صالح حیات شدید اختلافات کے باوجود ایک ہی کابینہ میں شامل رہے۔
کرائے کی بجلی گھروں کے مقدمے کی سماعت کے دوران مخدوم فصیل صالح حیات جب وزیر بنے تو اُنہوں نے سپریم کورٹ میں اس مقدمے کی سماعت غیر معینہ مدت کے لیے درخواست دی تھی جو مسترد کرد ی گئی۔

ONLY IMRAN KHAN CAN DEAL WITH THIS CORRUPT POLITICAL MAFIA ....
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Profile: Raja Pervez Ashraf

The nominated candidate for prime minister from the ruling Pakistan People"s Party (PPP), Raja Pervez AshrafMr Ashraf is likely to feel pressure from the courts to reopen corruption cases against President Zardari
Raja Pervez Ashraf's term as Pakistan's prime minister is likely to be as troubled as it is short.
He must lead the ruling Pakistan People's Party (PPP) into general elections due by February 2013 at a time when the civilian government is at loggerheads with Pakistan's judiciary and its powerful military.
He is a senior figure in the party and has twice been a minister in the PPP-led government, which has been in power since 2008.
Like many Pakistani politicians he is dogged by allegations of corruption, which is endemic in the country.
Critics call him "Raja Rental" because of the kickbacks he is alleged to have taken while water and power minister - he denies the claims but left the post in 2011.
Political family
Mr Ashraf comes from Gujjar Khan town, about an hour's drive from the capital, Islamabad.
But his parents owned agricultural land in the town of Sanghar in the southern province of Sindh, where he was born in 1950. He graduated from Sindh University in 1970.
He speaks fluent Sindhi, considering himself half Sindhi, and has gelled well with the predominantly Sindhi leadership of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP).

 

Die-hard loyalist?
Due to all the negative publicity he attracted, he was dropped from the cabinet in a reshuffle in February 2011, although he returned some months later as minister for information technology.
After his nomination as the next prime minister of the country became apparent, the country's largest English language daily, Dawn, referred to him in a banner headline as "Rental Raja", a reference to his apparent failures as the power minister.
But the investigation into the Rental Power Projects is not his only challenge as prime minister.
The country's Supreme Court has been putting pressure on the government to get the authorities in Switzerland to reopen a case of corruption against President Asif Zardari.
It disqualified former Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani from office for failing to abide by the court's wishes.
The general impression in Pakistan is that soon the judges will be breathing down Mr Ashraf's neck as well, prodding him to pick up where Mr Gilani left off.
Will he write the Swiss letter, or will he become the second prime minister to tell the court, "over my dead body"?
While only time will provide an answer, the general belief is that President Zardari would never chose a person for the top government slot who is not a die-hard PPP
loyalist.

Raja Pervez Ashraf

  • Born in 1950, Raja Pervez Ashraf comes from a land-owning political family with strong connections to Sindh province
  • He has been active in national politics since 1988 but lost repeated parliamentary elections until the 2002 and 2008 polls
  • Since 2008 he has served as both water and power minister and information technology minister
  • But his time as water and power minister was dogged by power cuts and controversy over a power generation scheme
  • He denies charges of kickbacks but investigations are ongoing

Thursday, June 21, 2012

End of Era of Most Corrupt & Incompetent PM of Pakistan but its not over ....

Transparency International Pakistan (TIP) has said that Yusuf Raza Gilani's 50-month rule was the worst in Pakistan’s 65-year history in terms of massive corruption and conspiracies against the country and state institutions, particularly the judiciary and the Army.

In a statement issued to The News here on Wednesday, the TIP’s head in Pakistan Adil Gilani said that Pakistan lost more than Rs8.5 trillion in corruption, tax evasion and bad governance during Gilani’s regime.

“Pakistan has seen the worst period of corruption in its 65 years history as the incumbent chairman NAB has also seconded TIP assessment on corruption’s volume by stating that Pakistan loses Rs5 billion a day in corruption in only three sectors of the economy,” Gilani said.

About the conspiracies, he said recently a conspiracy against judiciary was exposed. He praised the chief justice for setting new precedent by proceeding against his own son. This suo moto action of the chief justice, he said, is a practical demonstration of Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry’s claim that everyone is equal before the law.

The TIP representative said that conspiracy against the nation is evident from mismanagement in the 50 months tenure of the ex-PM, who appointed four governors of Sate Bank, six secretaries of finance, four ministers of finance, 10 DGs of FIA, absence of Federal Ombudsman since last 20 months, three NAB chairmen, which resulted into economic crisis. He lamented that the internal and external debt has increased from Rs6,700 to Rs12,000 during Gilani’s regime.

Referring to memogate, Gilani said that it was an unsuccessful conspiracy against the Pakistan Army. The report submitted in the Supreme Court on 11th June, 2012 by the memo commission, he said, has already declared that former envoy to the United States Husain Haqqani had authored the confidential memo.

Gilani also sees a conspiracy against Pakistan in what he called the “artificial” power shortage created by the former PM’s regime. He said in 2008 loadshedding was about four hours per day but in 2012 it has increased to more than 12 hours per day. “The nation has been pushed into the power miseries deliberately by the former government to divert public attention from its rampant corruption,” the TIP’s Gilani said.

He added that the artificial power crisis created by Gilani’s government was also confirmed by the Supreme Court in its 30th March, 2012 judgment in RPPs case. In paragraph 84, he said, the SC said prior to the introduction of RPPs, the system of generation of electricity under the control and management of Ministry of Water & Power, Wapda, Pepco, Gencos, etc, had sufficient potential to produce more electricity, but instead of taking curative steps for its improvement, including clearance of circular debt of the IPPs or resorting to other means of generation of electricity, billions of rupees were spent on Bhikki and Sharaqpur RPPs, which proved complete failure because the object could not be achieved as the shortage of electricity persistently continued, and yet more RPPs were installed.

Adil Gilani said during Gilani’s rule black money to the tune of Rs350 billion was whitened under amnesty scheme in 2008 by paying only 2 percent. Bad performance of the ousted regime also speaks volume from the facts that Pakistan Steel was earning a profit of Rs11 billion before Gilani’s arrival but now it has lost 120 billion. Similar is the condition of PIA, NBP, SSGC, SNGC, OGDC, CDA, Railways, PSO, EOBI and all other public sector corporations, according to Adil Gilani.

By Ansar Abbasi: http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-13-15503-Gilanis-term-was-worst-ever-in-Pakistan-TIP

Read more
http://pakistan-posts.blogspot.com/2012/05/what-is-stopping-oppressed-pakistanis.html


Tuesday, June 19, 2012

Islamabad at the Crossroads: By Marvin Weinbaum

More videos >>>>
Few question the desirability of finding a political resolution to the Afghan conflict or doubt Pakistan’s pivotal role. The growing divide of opinion in this country is over how best to achieve that outcome. One camp led by our military strategists insists that various political agreements are likely to result from accumulated military successes, sustained by Afghan governance reforms and economic improvements. Visible counterinsurgency gains are expected to gradually wean fighters away from the ranks of the insurgency. The other approach, increasingly voiced in the media, the blogosphere and recent think-tank recommendations,envisions a negotiated deal with Taliban interlocutors that results in national reconciliation. It presumes that a grand bargain can be struck which satisfies Afghanistan’s various ethnic and political constituencies and avoids having the country again become a base camp for international terrorists.

Plainly, neither course can succeed without Pakistan’s cooperation. To go well, a counterinsurgency strategy in Afghanistan requires that Pakistan reverse policies offering sanctuary to the Taliban. This would almost certainly necessitate a greater willingness to use military force against Afghan insurgent strongholds in North Waziristan and Baluchistan. Alternatively, to initiate productive talks, Pakistan would be expected to use its leverage over protected insurgent leaders and allay suspicions in Kabul about Islamabad’s aims. Both approaches present challenges for Pakistan’s military and elected officials, but of the two, their preference is clearly for concluding a political agreement that ends the Afghan conflict rather than a prolonged U.S. military campaign.

As Pakistan sees it, neither an Afghan Taliban defeat nor an outright victory may be in its interest. Where Islamabad had once sought to have a subservient neighbor, it has in recent years been forced to settle for a government in Kabul that is at best not unfriendly. But full support from Pakistan that decisively checks the insurgency could result in a strengthened Afghan government. This is especially worrisome for a Pakistan that is, above all, anxious to ensure a diminished Indian footprint across its Afghan border. Greater cooperation with the U.S.-led coalition could force Pakistan to forfeit the Taliban as a reserve Pashtun force in the event of a post-American, destabilized Afghanistan, and disown favored jihadi groups dedicated to the struggles in Afghanistan and Kashmir.

Yet the prospect of a Taliban movement wresting full power in Afghanistan also leaves Islamabad uneasy. Its experiences with Taliban leadership have frequently proven frustrating. For all of their dependence on Pakistan, the Taliban, especially Mullah Omar’s Quetta Shura, remain distrustful of their Pakistani handlers in the intelligence services. In the event that the Taliban consolidate power in Afghanistan, they may well resist serving as pliant clients. Moreover, should they succeed militarily, a civil war with non-Pashtun northern militias is probably inevitable. As the Taliban’s patrons, Pakistan could then confront involvement in a proxy conflict with Iran, Russia and India. The Islamabad regime would also have to contend with the influx of millions of Afghan refugees entering Pakistan’s tribal areas. Furthermore, a triumphant Afghan Taliban could energize Pakistan’s own Taliban insurgency, providing it with strategic depth within Afghanistan. Still worse, a restored Taliban regime’s joining forces with Pakistan’s militant Islamists for jihad in Pakistan cannot be ruled out.

Faced with these unattractive alternatives, it is understandable that Pakistan’s policy makers find the prospect of reconciliation among Afghans so appealing. Pakistan’s mounting domestic radicalism and political turmoil also lend a sense of urgency for a settlement that some believe can also contribute to a compromise with Pakistan’s Taliban.At its best, a power-sharing agreement in Kabul is expected to curb India’s influence in the country and dilute Pashtun nationalism and Islamic radicalism. In pressing for negotiations, Pakistan’s ISI portrays the Taliban as moderates prepared for serious compromise following the withdrawal of foreign troops, and ready to disown al-Qaeda. As of this moment, unconvinced of international staying power and eager to find a path to political survival, Kabul is willing to grasp at Pakistan’s straws.

However, Pakistan’s help in launching a serious political process is problematic. Even ISI’s client, the Taliban-affiliated Haqqani network, is reluctant to soften its terms for negotiations, at least while the insurgency continues to give signs of succeeding. Most uncompromising is the emergence of a younger, more radical generation of Taliban leaders, resulting from an uptick in U.S. drone strikes and special operations raids that have killed a significant number of mid-level field commanders. And were negotiations to begin, many Taliban leaders would prefer to exclude Pakistan, anyway. Perhaps most daunting is Pakistan’s plans for a political resolution, which are contingent on Afghan ethnic minorities participation in a deal that they are likely to see as leading to a Taliban attempt to take over the entire country.

Thus Pakistan’s Afghanistan policy has reached an impasse. The country’s policy makers are hard pressed by a frustrated Washington to broaden and intensify operations against militant strongholds and confront the prospect of increased U.S. drone strikes and cross-border ground attacks. All the while, Pakistan’s leaders are trying to reconcile these demands for greater efforts to confront the sources of terrorism with a domestic public that views the United States as a greater threat to Pakistan than the Afghan and Pakistani Taliban or al-Qaeda. Pakistan is perhaps even more severely constricted by its inability to perceive its choices except through the prism of an ever-menacing India.

The viability of the U.S.-Pakistan partnership may hinge on Pakistan’s making the difficult choices that better align our policies on Afghanistan. That may not happen while Pakistan’s view of strategic threats from the region is long term, and the United States’ concerns are more immediate. Clearly, a convergence of national interests cannot occur without a narrowing of their wide trust deficit. Among other requirements, it calls for a better appreciation in Washington of the limits imposed by Islamabad’s perceived security imperatives, and a Pakistani leadership with the courage to question many of the country’s foreign-policy shibboleths. But Pakistan’s ability to resolve its Afghan policy dilemma may depend most of all on a greater certainty about America’s commitment to the region.

Assertions and opinions in this Policy Insight are solely those of the above-mentioned author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Middle East Institute, which expressly does not take positions on Middle East policy. http://www.mei.edu/content/islamabad-crossroads
http://www.mei.edu/profile/marvin-weinbaum


~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~``
Deadly drones and Obama’s secret war in Pakistan 
By Dr Nasir Islam

The targets are located in one of the world’s most inaccessible regions where journalists and NGOs have been denied access

Drones are the weapons of choice in the US’s war against terrorists. Their push-button precision, timeliness, lethal power with zero American casualties are quite seductive. The US’s fleet of drones has grown from a meagre 54 in 2001 to an armada of several thousand Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs). The Predator drones have state-of-the-art technology, infrared cameras, heat sensors and radar linked to communication satellites. They upload huge quantities of data, feeding instantly to commanders and CIA operators across the globe. Their pilots sit in hidden airbases in Afghanistan or Pakistan and Langley, out of harm’s way. Cruising at 25,000 feet, they can deliver payloads up to 450 pounds with lethal results.

A powerful drone lobby promotes their use. Manufacturers — General Atomics, Aero Vironnement, Lockheed Martin, and Northrop Grumman — make fabulous profits. Congress members receive campaign contributions and jobs are created in their constituencies. The president wins kudos for decapitating terrorist leadership. Academics receive rich research contracts.

Persistently elusive victory in Afghanistan, the horrendously high cost of traditional warfare and inaccessible enemy targets make drone strikes increasingly the preferred choice compared to counterinsurgency operations. Drones, deadly for the enemy, suit the casualty-averse American policy makers. They are popular with the US public because they provide a measure of ‘rough justice’, revenge, and symbolise the projection of American power in hostile lands.

Early strikes were carried out against known High Value Targets (HVTs), usually senior al Qaeda leaders. The strike frequency and the casualties remained low. More recently, the strikes are targeting unknown groups of people ‘associated’ with militants. CIA analysts, based on particular behaviour patterns, decide whether a target group is composed of ordinary civilians or militants. The CIA refers to them as ‘signature’ or ‘bulk’ strikes because they target larger groups. Most CIA strikes now are ‘signature’ strikes targeting clusters of people without knowing who they are.

Drone strikes escalated dramatically during the Obama presidency. According to the Long War Journal, of the 292 drone strikes in Pakistan since 2004, 247 occurred during 2009-2012, while there were only 45 in the Bush-Musharraf years. The Obama administration delegated authority to choose targets, to select attack time and trigger the strike to the CIA. The covert programme gives the US government deniability and absolves it from any violation of international laws or Congressional accountability. Its protagonists however argue that rigorous criteria — imminent threat, infeasibility of capture and certainty of intelligence — are used to trigger attacks. At the end of the day, these rigorous criteria are subjective and depend on the judgment of the operators at the ground level.

According to the New America Foundation (NAF), 70 percent of the drone attacks occurred in North Wazirastan, 25 percent in South Waziristan. Haqqani ‘network’, Hafiz Gul Bahadur’s militia and Maulvi Nazir’s fighters were the most frequent targets. Drone attacks killed some important al Qaeda and some Pakistani Taliban leaders. The NAF puts the total number of militant leaders killed at 43.

The targets are located in one of the world’s most inaccessible regions where journalists and NGOs have been denied access. The Pakistani state has nominal control in many parts of the region. In the absence of field data, the casualty reports in the media are derived from second-hand accounts. The US think tanks then disguise aggregated data from the media in charts and tables to enhance their authenticity. I doubt very much if anyone has been able to actually count the dead or the fresh graves or distinguish combatants from civilians who have been vaporised or strewn around with shattered limbs. Not only the total number of casualties remains contentious, but also the number of civilians killed is highly controversial. The US military tends to underestimate the number of civilian deaths and overestimates the number of combatants killed. The New York Times recently reported that the CIA counts all military age males in the target area as combatant. This could mean that practically no male casualty is counted as a civilian casualty.

Precision strikes are not literally ‘precise’. A Hellfire missile fired from a Predator is not like a clean shot from a sniper’s rifle. It decimates everything and everyone within the blast radius where the temperature can rise up to 5,000 F, leaving a trail of deadly cluster bombs. Drone strikes are as accurate as the intelligence and its interpretation. The human intelligence in the region is unreliable and sometimes intentionally misleading. There have been several spectacular intelligence failures. It took 16 strikes to kill Baitullah Mehsud, and Ilyas Kashmiri’s death was claimed six times. Can a remote operator at a computer terminal distinguish between a jirga and a gathering of combatants? The Datta Khel strike that killed 40-70 civilians in a jirga gathering underscores such concerns. A resident described the aftermath to Reprieve, a British NGO: “The tribal elders could not be identified because the body parts were strewn about. I just collected the pieces of flesh I believed belonged to my father and placed them in a small coffin.”

Most Pakistanis oppose the drone attacks. Politicians repeat the refrain about the violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty. In the wake of the Salala attack, parliament unanimously demanded the cessation of drone strikes. David Rhodes claimed that the covert programme was established with General Musharraf’s consent in 2004. Ironically, there has been a dramatic increase in drone strikes during the PPP regime. It is perhaps because of a huge network of CIA spies established during this period that came to light after the Raymond Davis affair. Ambassador Patterson’s February 2009 cable indicated that General Kayani was not only fully aware of the strikes but also asked for coverage of South Waziristan during the army operation. In 2009, Senator Dianne Feinstein’s revelation at the Intelligence Select Committee that drones were taking off from Pakistan solicited howls of denial from the Pakistani government. Now we know that the Shamsi Airbase was leased to the UAE and occupied by the Americans and was vacated only after the Salala incident. Jane Mayer (The New Yorker) reported that President Zardari was involved in choosing targets. Rehman Malik boasted to The Wall Street Journal about watching the video of the attack on Baitullah Mehsud. Clearly, the government publicly denounces the drone attacks and privately facilitates them. Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar’s recent statement that we (Pakistan) object to the illegal strikes but not the targets creates more ambiguity rather than clarity about Pakistan’s stand on drone attacks. Drones are now flying from Jalalabad. The Pakistani government has not registered any protest to the Afghan government.

Pakistani policy is inconsistent, hypocritical, and lacks transparency. The Americans are equally opaque and are in denial about civilian deaths. Though the drones offer tactical advantage, they lack strategic benefits. It is dangerous for the US to set an example of using drones as instruments of foreign policy. It is unethical to give an intelligence agency the sole discretionary power to engage in an undeclared secret war with little oversight by Congress. The real problem is that the US and Pakistan have different targeting priorities. The US targets the ‘Taliban’ fighting in Afghanistan, Pakistan wants to target groups like the TTP. Absence of trust and conflicting priorities are a serious hurdle in the way of a coordinated strategy against militants on both sides of the Pak-Afghan border.

The writer, a retired professor of governance and public policy at the Telfer School of Management, University of Ottawa, Canada, can be reached at aghaji@sympatico.ca

Friday, June 8, 2012

Arsalan Iftikhar and Contractor Malik Riaz Bahria

Click here for Updates: >>>>>>> 
Balance and mature analysis by Talat Hussain Shocking informatio BAHRIA TOWN >>>>
http://pkpolitics.com/category/media/news-night-with-talat/
http://www.zemtv.com/2012/06/06/news-night-with-talat-on-dawn-news-6th-june-2012/

Alleged list of journalists receiving favours form Malik Rias >>> click here >>>

Friendly Generalists & Malik Riaz "Arranged Noora Kushti" to Be-fool Public








The perfect storm - Legal eye
  
By Babar Sattar
The writer is a lawyer based in Islamabad.

The conspiracy narrative is appealing. Pakistan’s makeshift accountability system comprises the media and the judiciary. The media brings into public focus stories of corruption of the ruling elite and the court takes suo motu notice, orders inquiries, stipulates timeframes, assumes supervisory responsibility and produces legal consequences for illegal conduct.

Take away the role of the media and the Supreme Court and the plunder of state largesse would be a no-holds-barred affair. As the power of the judiciary and even the media is largely rooted in probity and credibility, take that away and the distinction between those being judged and those doing the judging vanishes into thin air. And hence the Riaz Malik exposé that maligns the judges and the journalists by dragging them into the cesspool he lords over.

All this is fine. But what is the one factor outside the control of someone like Malik Riaz that makes such grand conspiracy work? Free will? Could he contrive moral failings or defects amongst the righteous that he could later expose? Even if we assume that the ‘evil’ Malik meticulously laid out a trap for unsuspecting decent folk (there’s much talk of entrapment these days) was he holding a gun to their heads forcing them to take a dip in the cesspool?

Can it be that we are all mad at Malik Riaz because he has shown us the mirror and our reality makes us nauseous? Is he lying through his teeth when he says money makes the mare go? Is he maligning the judiciary if he suggests that our justice system is corrupt? If we didn’t name names, wouldn’t we all agree that graft is firmly entrenched in the media business?

Can there be a simpler, non-conspiratorial explanation for Malik Riaz’s actions? Let’s consider this. Here is a man who has mastered the art of using money to make things happen. He has accumulated a heap of money and created a spoils system outside the structure of the state for the benefit of all segments of the power elite. He believes everyone wants a piece of the forbidden fruit.

He is not greedy and is willing to share the boodle with everyone who has power. He believes he is not wicked for in an otherwise dysfunctional state he is delivering value as a developer and paying his dues to the society through charity programmes. So why expose and jeopardise the ‘public-private partnership’ that has been working so well?

Could it be a combination of fear and anger? Malik Riaz got afraid when his son was booked for murder in the car-racing incident. He felt his son was being unfairly implicated. There were other cases picked up by the Supreme Court in suo motu jurisdiction that took the long arm of criminal law to the person of Malik Riaz. For once he found himself at the wrong end of the system. He instinctively tried to buy his way out of the mess. As the crucial matters were before Court One in the SC, no one lesser than the CJ himself could help. He engaged the CJ’s son. The son happily accepted the largesse lavished upon him but did not deliver. This provoked anger. Pakistan was a sordid place, but so sordid that there was no honour left amongst thieves either?

And Arsalan Iftikhar alone did not arouse the anger. What was the point of years of ‘sharing and caring’ if in his hour of need no one was able to shield him? As time passed, the SC continued with its proceedings and Arsalan Iftikhar with his merry-making on borrowed money, the frustration mounted. The code of conduct in the dark world was clear enough. If you take money, you get the job done. If you can’t, you return the money and apologise. If you do neither, you’re not a freeloader but a blackmailer. And so Malik Riaz went postal. If he was going down, he certainly wasn’t going down alone. Could the government, the establishment, stop him? Maybe. But here came the congruence of interest. Who in the power elite wouldn’t benefit from a shamed and subdued Supreme Court?

The challenge of reforming our state and society is herculean. But let he who has not sinned cast the first stone is what Malik Riaz seems to be saying. And the argument has resonance. Arsalan Iftikhar doesn’t preside over a court. By establishing through documentary evidence that Arsalan did actually accept monetary benefits and by alleging that the money was accepted in the Supreme Court’s name in order to influence the outcome of judicial proceedings, it is the integrity, independence and credibility of the SC that has been impugned. The charge levelled by Malik Riaz never was that the exercise of authority by the SC or the CJ had been influenced by illegal gratification. That was not the main cause of concern in public mind.

The charge was that the CJ’s son had made a promise (in the name of the SC) in return for consideration and had failed to deliver. Consequently the questions and doubts in the public mind were threefold: One, did the CJ’s son accept money and benefits from Malik Riaz? Two, if so, was the receipt of money the outcome of genuine business dealings between private persons?

And three, if the CJ’s son accepted money by creating an impression that he could get someone relief from the SC, would the SC prosecute him with the same fervour and rigor that it unleashes on those implicated in lesser corruption scandals? In not recognising and addressing these questions and concerns in the Arsalan Iftikhar-Malik Riaz case, the Supreme Court has seriously erred.

The three failings evident in the Supreme Court ruling are these. One, the assertion that the court usually refrains from exercising its inquisitorial powers under Article 184(3) isn’t backed by the court’s record in the many corruption cases it has handled recently. When it assumes supervisory jurisdiction and issues categorical directions and timeframes for inquiries in other scandals, why leave this matter to the attorney general? Application of restraint in one case and activism in others without any significant distinction in the subject matter raises the question of whether the court is applying double standards.

Two, the court celebrates the role of the media when it highlights scandals implicating executive officeholders, but issues a sermon when the media acts as a whistleblower in a graft case involving the CJ’s son. There is no denying that the media needs its own code of ethics, but a case involving the alleged impropriety of the CJ’s son might not have been an opportune time to drive home the point. Additionally, here the media did not allege any facts that are untrue. So having stumbled on an embarrassing story regarding the CJ’s son, should it have simply shoved it under the carpet in the ‘larger national interest’?

And finally, to assert that the concerns in public mind stand addressed because Malik Riaz has submitted in writing that court verdicts weren’t affected by his bribes is to miss the point completely. This man sits on national TV for two hours and continues to hurl accusations at the CJ and his son and the honourable court asserts the very next day in a detailed judgment that the matter now rests. Such naïveté lends credence to SC detractors who allege that we are living in an era of selective justice.

In its handling of the Arsalan Iftikhar case the Supreme Court might have squandered a vital opportunity to salvage its reputation as a neutral arbiter of the law. Now if Malik Riaz is punished it will be called a vendetta. And if he is let off, it’ll be seen as a deal. Welcome to Orwell’s Pakis-farm: all animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others.

Email: sattar@post.harvard.edu
More:

  1. Aik Din Geo Kay Sath Malik Riaz Part 1- 3 - by mAlikbhye

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  2. Eik Din Geo Kay Sath Malik Riaz Part 2 - by Alikbhye

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  3. Aik Din Geo Kay Sath Malik Riaz - Part 3 - 3 - by mAlikbhye

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Worth of a Teacher in Degenerated Society

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خاکروب، چوکیدار اور استاد... ایک اور ایک…منیراحمد بلوچ
ضلع میانوالی میں UNHCR کے تحت ایک کیمپ میں اسکول ٹیچر، خاکروب اور چوکیدار کی ایک ایک خالی آسامی کی بھرتی کیلئے اشتہار شائع ہوا ہے اس اشتہار میں اسکول ٹیچر کی خالی آسامی کیلئے تعلیمی قابلیت بی اے بی ایڈ اور ساتھ ہی کم از کم دو سال کے تدریسی تجربہ کی شرط عائد کی گئی ہے جبکہ اس کیلئے کل ماہانہ مشاہرہ8712/- رکھا گیا ہے اس اشتہار میں خاکروب اور چوکیدار کی علیحدہ علیحدہ دو خالی آسامیوں کیلئے تعلیمی قابلیت کی جو شرط رکھی گئی ہے اس کے مطابق ” امیدوار پڑھنا لکھنا جانتا ہو“ اور خاکروب اور سویپر کی ماہانہ تنخواہ8,712/- جبکہ چوکیدار کی آسامی کیلئے ماہانہ تنخواہ 8,865/- روپے رکھی گئی ہے۔ جس ملک اور معاشرے میں چودہ سالہ تعلیمی قابلیت رکھنے والے گریجویٹ اور بی ایڈ کی ایک سال کی اضافی تعلیمی قابلیت کے علا وہ مزیددو سال کا تدریسی تجربہ رکھنے والے استاد کے احترام کی یہ حالت ہو کہ اس کا ماہانہ مشاہرہ چوکیدار اور خاکروب سے کم ہو۔کیا یہ معلم کی توہین نہیں؟ جس معاشرہ میں تعلیم اور تدریس سے منسلک استادکا ماہانہ مشاہرہ ایک خاکروب کے برابر اور چوکیدار سے کم ہواس معاشرے میں وہی کچھ ہو گا جو ہورہا ہے کچھ عرصہ قبل نیشنل پولیس اکیڈیمی اسلام آباد کی طرف سے خالی آسامیوں پر بھرتی کیلئے ملکی اخبارات میں ایسا ہی ایک اشتہار دیا گیا تھا جس میں دوسری آسامیوں کیساتھ ساتھ امام مسجد/خطیب کی ایک آسامی کیلئے بھی درخواستیں مانگی گئیں اسی اشتہار میں سٹینو ٹائپسٹ کی آسامی کی تنخواہ کیلئے حکومت کا اسکیل12 مقرر کیا گیا جبکہ تعلیمی قابلیت ایف اے بمع ٹائپنگ اور شارٹ ہینڈ رکھی گئی جبکہ امام مسجد/خطیب کیلئے پے سکیل11 مقرر کیا گیا اور اس کیلئے تعلیمی قابلیت کم از کم ایم اے اسلامیات کے علاوہ کسی مستند ادارے سے فاضل درس نظامی، فاضل عربی ،شہادة القراة والتجوید اور کسی بھی سرکاری یا نیم سرکاری ادارے میں امامت اور خطابت کا ایک سالہ لازمی تجربہ مانگا گیا۔ اسٹینو گرافر کے گریڈ بارہ پر کوئی اعتراض نہیں ہے بلکہ اسے دوسرے سرکاری ملازمین کے ساتھ اور بہتر بنایا جائے اعتراض یہ ہے کہ انگریزی کی مختصر تشریح کرنے والے کو سکیل بارہ اور اسلامیات میں ایم اے کرنے والا جو قران پاک کی تشریح کرے گا اسے ایک درجہ کم رکھا گیا ؟۔ آج ہمارے معاشرے میں جو مذہبی تنگ نظری اور معاشرتی زبوں حالی نظرآرہی ہے اس کی بنیادی وجہ دینی اور دنیاوی تعلیم دینے والے کو ہم نے فقط”ملاء اور ماسٹر“ بنا کر رکھا ہوا ہے دین اسلام کی تعلیم اور تبلیغ دینے والے کو عیسائی ، یہودی اور بدھ مت کے مبلغوں کی طرح با عزت مقام نہ دیئے جانے کی وجہ سے ہمارے ملک میں روائتی ملا ازم نے فروغ پایا جس کا نتیجہ ہم سب من حیث القوم بھگت رہے ہیں آج کی مذہبی انتہا پسندی، بنیا دپرستی اور لا علمی کی اصل وجہ یہی ہے اگر استاد کو بہتر مراعات دی جاتیں تو یہ لوگ خود کو معاشرے میں کم تر ہونے کے احساس کا شکار نہ ہوتے اور ”ملاء یا ماسٹر“کی بجاے ایک بہترین عالم دین اور سکالر بن کر نوجوان نسل کو روشنی دکھاتے ۔کسی کالج یا تعلیمی ادارے میں لیکچرر اسلامیات کی تقرری کیلئے بھی کم از کم تعلیمی قابلیت ایم اے اسلامیات مقرر ہے اور تعلیمی اداروں کے یہ لیکچرار جو طلباء کو اسلامیات کی تعلیم دیتے ہیں ان کیلئے حکومت نے قومی پے اسکیل17مقرر کیا ہوا ہے کیا یہ بات عجیب سی نہیں لگتی کہ پاکستان کی نیشنل پولیس اکیڈیمی کی مسجد کا امام جس نے اکیڈیمی میں زیر تربیت پولیس افسران اور وہاں کام کرنے والے دوسرے افراد کو مذہبی تعلیم دینی ہے اس کا رتبہ سولہ سالہ تعلیمی ریکارڈ فاضل عربی سمیت دوسرے مدارس کی تعلیم کے علا وہ ایک سالہ تجربہ رکھنے کے با وجود ایک عام کلرک کے بر ابر رکھا جائے اسلام آباد کی اس پولیس اکیڈیمی میں رینجرز اور دوسرے قانون نا فذ کرنے والے اداروں سے متعلق افسران کو گاہے بگاہے وہاں کورس کیلئے بھی بلا یا جاتا ہے اس لیئے ایسی اکیڈیمی میں امامت اور دینی تعلیم دینے والا مرتبے میں کم نہیں ہونا چاہیئے ․․․ایک ایسا شخص جو اسلام آباد جیسے بڑے شہر میں تعینات ہو وہ دس بارہ ہزار روپے میں کس طرح گزارہ کرے گا اوراگروہ شادی شدہ ہے تو وہ خود اور بچوں کو کیا کھلائے گا اور ہمارا معاشرہ جو ابھی تک اپنے بزرگوں کو کسی اولڈ ہوم یا بورڈنگ ہاؤس میں داخل کرانے کی بجائے اپنے بوڑھے والدین کی خدمت کرنا اور انہیں اپنے ساتھ رکھنا خوش قسمتی اور عبا دت سمجھتا ہے وہ اسلام آباد جیسے مہنگے ترین شہر میں خاندان سمیت اس قلیل تنخواہ میں کیا کرے گا؟ ایک استاد یا داعی حق کے کام کی صحیح مثال ایک دہقان کے کام سے دی جا سکتی ہے جس طرح اس کا مقصد صرف اتنی سی بات سے حا صل نہیں ہو سکتا کہ کچھ بیج کسی زمین میں ڈال کر فارغ ہو بیٹھے اسی طرح ایک استاد یا داعی حق کا کام بھی صرف اسی سے انجام نہیں پا سکتا کہ وہ بچوں کو روائتی تعلیم دے انہیں رٹا لگانے کا عادی بناتے ہوئے کسی بھی طریقے سے پاس ہونے کی ترغیب دے یا داعی حق بن کر لوگوں کو کچھ وعظ سنا کر یا نماز پڑھا کرسمجھے کہ ڈیوٹی پوری ہوگئی بلکہ اصلاح اور نیکی کی تعلیم کیلئے ضروری ہے کہ اس کے دل کے اندر اپنی دی گئی تعلیم اور وعظ کے ساتھ وہی لگاؤ ہو جو ایک فرض شناس کسان کو اپنے بوئے ہوئے بیج کے ساتھ ہوتا ہے ۔ لگاتا رمحنت اور مسلسل نگہداشت کرتا ہے تب کہیں جا کر اپنی محنت کا پھل پاتا ہے اسی طرح ایک استاد اور خطیب کو بھی اسی صورت میں اپنی دعوت کو پھولتے دیکھنا نصیب ہوتا ہے جب وہ دعوت کے ساتھ ساتھ تربیت کی جانکاہیوں کے ایک طویل سلسلے کو جھیلنے کی قابلیت اور ہمت رکھتا ہو اور اگر اس میں قابلیت تو کوٹ کوٹ کر بھری ہو لیکن دو وقت کی روٹی کی سختیوں اور ہمارے معاشرے کے رسم ورواج میں جکڑے ہوئے وسائل نے اسے مفلوج کر رکھا ہو تو وہ اپنے فرائض پر مکمل توجہ نہیں دے سکتا۔افسوس سے کہنا پڑتا ہے کہ امریکہ برطانیہ اور یورپی ممالک کے فادر ، یہودیوں کے ربی کی ماہانہ تنخواہیں ہمارے سرکاری اور تعلیمی اداروں کے امام مسجدوں اور خطیبوں کی دس سال کی تنخواہ کے برا بر ہیں اور ہمارے بی اے بی ایڈ سکول ٹیچر اور ا یم اے اسلامیات خطیب کی ما ہانہ تنخواہ پادری، ربی کی آدھے دن کی تنخواہ کے برابر تو کجا ایک ان پڑھ خاکروب اور چوکیدار کے برابر بھی نہیں ؟

Wednesday, June 6, 2012

Corruption in Agosta 90 Deal : Sarakozi & Zardari

Around 2 millions lost their lives during partition of India and creation of Pakistan in 1947. Thereafter hundreds of soldiers have lost their lives while defending Pakistan. If the corruption scandals in defence purchases are true, which seems to be so its most unfortunate. The corrupt people are getting wealthy at the cost of blood of millions of innocent patriotic Pakistanis. .......... If Mr.Zardari is innocent he must conduct an independent inquiry to clear himself from this serious allegation !
Asif Ali Zardari is blamed to have looted Millions of Dollars of Bribes Paid to him in French Submarines Corruption Deal  Pakistan's Zardari 'Pocketed Millions' in French Subs Deal By Michael Streeter, Graham Tearse, Fabrice Arfi and Fabrice Lhomme Paris, France, 13 January 2011 (MediaPart) - Official Pakistani documents detailing how the country's president, Asif Ali Zardari, benefited from massive, secret payments connected to the sale of French submarines to Pakistan have been seized as evidence by a Paris magistrate investigating a suspected widespread scam surrounding the deal. The documents, revealed here for the first time by Media Part, show that the payments to Zardari and others took place on the fringes of the sale of three Agosta-class submarines by the French defence contractor, the DCN, to Pakistan in the 1990s. The French sale succeeded against rival offers by Swedish and German contractors.
The sale, and the payment of bribes associated with it - officially termed as commissions - are at the core of what has become known as the 'Karachi Affair', currently the subject of two French judicial investigations and which has rocked the French political establishment  with its potential far-reaching ramifications within France. A key allegation in the developing affair is that the cancellation of commissions paid out in the submarine deal was the motive behind a  'suicide' bomb attack in Karachi on May 8th, 2002, that left 11 French engineers dead. They were in Pakistan to help build one of the Agosta submarines.

Increasing evidence suggests that cancellation of the commissions, ordered by former French President Jacques Chirac, was decided after it was discovered they were in part re-routed back to France to fund political activities of Chirac's principal political rival, Edouard Balladur.

The documents, now in possession of Paris-based judge Renaud Van Ruymbeke, were found during a French police search in June 2010 of the home of Amir Lodhi, one of the intermediaries involved in securing the Agosta contract. Lodhi held a copy of a report by a Pakistani anti-corruption service, the Ehtesab [Accountability] Cell.
Lodhi, 61, the brother of a former Pakistani ambassador to the United States [Maleeha Lodhi], is a close friend of Zardari, who [illegally] became president of Pakistan in 2008 one year after the assassination of his wife, Benazir Bhutto.
The raid on Lodhi's home in the French capital [Paris] was carried out by detectives from the French police national financial investigation division, the DNIF, (Division nationale des investigations financiers). The Ehtesab Cell documents were the object of a formal report by the DNIF, established on June 17th, 2010, and reveals that Zardari received backhanders worth 6,934,296 euros between October and December 1994. That report is now among the evidence collected by Van Ruymbeke in his investigations launched last autumn into the financial aspect of the Agosta submarine sale, and in particular whether commissions paid abroad were re-routed to fund political activities within France.

Originally written in English, the Pakistani document was translated by the DNIF investigators and now provides the first clear details about the scale of the payments made to Zardari, amounting to several million euros, as well as the channels used, including offshore companies, bank accounts and a British tax haven.

Bank Transfers to the Virgin Islands.The Agosta submarine contract was signed between the two countries [France and Pakistan] on September 21st, 1994, just weeks before the first payments began.

At the time, Zardari was a minister in the Pakistani government then led by his wife, [corrupt] Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto. Importantly, Zardari was the key figure for all public contracts signed with foreign countries. That position earned Zardari the unflattering nickname in his own country of "Mister 10%".

The main document seized by French investigators is a photocopy of an original dated November 9th, 1997, concerning a request by Pakistan to Switzerland for cooperation in a judicial investigation.

The request by the Pakistani authorities to Switzerland aimed, according to the officer, "to obtain all the necessary information to pursue a criminal investigation and to try the former prime minister of Pakistan, Madame Bhutto, her husband, Monsieur Asif Ali Zardari, her mother, Begum Nusrat Bhutto and the other members of the Bhutto government, public servants and civilians implicated in the conspiracy of Madame Bhutto and/or her husband to misappropriate public funds for their own profit."

The French police report said the document explicitly referred to the Agosta contract: "This request concerns several cases of malpractice including that of the purchase of French submarines." According to the DNIF investigators "the chronology and the currency [of the sums paid] suggest that these payments are secret commissions paid by the DCN-I [the commercial arm of the submarine builders DCN] to Monsieur Zardari and Monsieur Lodhi for their considerable service in assuring that DCN-I got the contract."

Huge sums are recorded at the end of 1994 alone, when a company called Marleton Business Inc. was set up through a lawyer in the tax haven of the British Virgin Islands for use by Zardari. A first payment of some of 5.5 million francs (about 838,000 euros) took place in October 1994  "of which 70% goes to Monsieur Zardari (AAZ) and 30% to Monsieur Lodhi  (AL)," noted the French police report.

Sarkozy's Ministry 'Approved' Bribe Sums
A second transfer took place two months later, in December, for an altogether larger sum of 59.48 million francs, (about 9.06 million euros) "divided into 41.636 million [francs] for Monsieur Zardari and 17.844 million for Monsieur Lodhi". That represented 6,934,296 euros for the current [unlawful] president of Pakistan, and 2,971,841 euros for his partner.

According to the French investigators, the official Pakistani documents seized in Lohdi's Paris home also explain that "Messieurs Lodhi and Zardari received their bribes in the bank accounts of a series of offshore companies."

The report says they are all based in the Virgin Islands and they are identified by the DNIF as: Marvil Associated Inc., Penbury Finance, Oxton Trading, Crimities Holding and Dustan Trading.

The banks involved in the payments were also recorded in the Pakistani documents, as well as the bank accounts used. "The commissions paid into the accounts, notably opened by these companies at the Pasche bank and the bank of Piguet et Cie, in Switzerland, were probably supplied by transfer from the Banque francaise du Commerce exterieur [French bank of Foreign Trade], account number 2700 0008358 or  IV10000083580."

Several high-profile witnesses questioned in November and December 2010 by judge Van Ruymbeke have insisted that the bribes paid in 1994 were perfectly legal and were approved by France's then-Defence Minister, Francois Leotard, and its budget minister, now France's President, Nicolas Sarkozy.

In a statement he gave to Van Ruymbeke on November 9th, 2010, former DCN-I Finance Director, Gerard-Philippe Menayas, said "the total volume of the commissions was validated, contract by contract, by the ministers of the budget and defence."

In a statement given to judge Van Ruymbeke on December 7th, 2010, Jacques Dewatre, who in 1994 was head of the French foreign intelligence service, now called the DGSE, testified that "The approval for commissions is the responsibility of services which depend upon the Minister of Defence and the Minister of the Budget."

MediaPart has learnt Van Ruymbeke's investigation has already established that, in order to convince the Pakistani authorities to choose the French submarines, a very structured network of corruption was established by a French state company dedicated to such activities. This was the Societe francaise de materiels armement, the SOFMA, which partnered the designers and builders of the submarines, the DCN.

Van Ruymbeke has evidence that the SOFMA set aside the equivalent in francs of 51.6 million euros for bribes to be paid out in the Pakistan deal.

Influential agents working with the SOFMA used the money to gain the favours of numerous Pakistani dignitaries, in both military and political spheres. While the practice of commission payments was then legal for France, the reception of bribes was illegal in Pakistan.

Asif Ali Zardari was one of the main benefactors of the paid bribes, according to a former SOFMA Managing Director, Henri Guittet. He evaluated the sum paid to Zardari as being 4% of the total value of the sales contract, which amounts to a value of 33 million euros. "I believe there was one percent paid upon the signature of the sales contract, which means at the moment when everything can get underway and when notably the deposit and [partial] down payment has been paid, and one percent later," he said in a formal statement. "The remaining two percent was pro rata with the payment of the clients."

But French judicial investigators are investigating whether the Agosta contract also involved illegal payments in France. It was in the summer of 1994, despite the fact that negotiations with Pakistan over the sale were already successfully concluded, that the government of then-Prime Minister Edouard Balladour imposed two Lebanese intermediaries in the contract, Ziad Takieddine and Abdulrahman El-Assir.

They were promised supplemantary commission payments worth more than 30 million euros. Both judge Van Ruymbeke and judge Marc Trevedic, who is heading investigations into the murders of the French engineers, have collected evidence suggesting that part of the supplementary commissions was destined for Balladur's 1995 presidential election campaign.

Trevedic's investigation has discarded the theory touted by the Pakistani authorities that the engineers were targeted by al-CIA-da. He is now centering on suspicions that the bomb attack was directly or indirectly linked to the secret financial arrangements surrounding the Agosta deal. More precisely that it was in retaliation for the non-payment of commissions promised to Pakistanis after they were all blocked by Balladur's rival Jacques Chirac, after he won the 1995 elections.
Allah knows best.






Source/More: 
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  3. http://dawn.com/tag/agosta-submarines-scandal/

BY PETER GILL: Allegedly one of Pakistan's most corrupt politicians, Asif Ali Zardari has been elected president by the Pakistani parliament and provincial assemblies. All remaining corruption charges against him were ...